Namchi Government College Relief Team reaches Bey in North Sikkim


 The earthquake of 18th September 2011 has given a rigorous and an unforgettable pain to every Sikkimese. It was a huge shake which not only devastated “Abode of God” but, also defaced the natural beauty of the tiny Himalayan State of the Indian Union. A diminutive amount was collected by the teachers and students of Namchi Govt. College to provide relief materials among the earthquake victims’ in North Sikkim. The main objective of the team was to meet the earthquake sufferers and to make them feel that “we are also not distant” as well as to share commiseration. Before leaving there, the team members have gathered information about the existing situation of the affected areas and reached to a conclusion to visit Bey, a far flung village in North Sikkim.
L-R Phurba Lepcha, Santosh Rai, Jeet Bardewa, Hari Ch. Sharma, Simon Rai, Dweep Subba, Rajen Upadhyay
On 7th of October after receiving Tika from our elders on the propitious festival of Dasain, we began to proceed towards Mangan, the district headquarters of North Sikkim. After some formalities we moved towards Lingzya, the last vehicle accessible village of that part (though Bey is also connected by road but due to heavy landslides after the earthquake it is totally cut-off from the mainland). It was almost 6:30 in the evening therefore we decided to stay at the Panchayat Bhavan which was turned as a relief camp after the earthquake. We met the Panchayat of Lingzya who made necessary arrangements for us to stay in the village. The Panchayat informed us about the fatalities met by his village and his village men. We tried to meet the people in the relief camp but, Mr. Bhutia the Panchayat told us that most of the earthquake victims have started to return to their own houses. It is a beautiful village mostly inhabited by the Lepchas very few Bhutias and the Nepalese who are mostly agriculture laborers from Nepal.
Namchi Govt. College team at 10th Mile Landslide
On 8th of October, before we left for Bey, few villagers told us about two shocks occurred in the morning. They further told us that the shocks now have become usual elements in their lives. Yaha ta sano sano bhuichalo aai bascha….aba ta hamilai daar lagnu chodeko cha (here small shocks occur usually…now we do not get scare). There were more or less 80 bags which were to be distributed to the victims of Bey. We decided to carry few bags as we were told that almost all the families of Bey were rehabilitated at 4th Mile. After having tea, we began to move towards Bey, one of the worse hit areas of Sikkim. We were carrying relief materials that included dry edibles and materials of daily use like candle, soap, cooking oil, toothpaste, toothbrush etc. Due to heavy landslide after the earthquake, the road connecting Bey with the mainland is now totally devastated. It is now all covered by silt, rocks and clay. We reached 10th Mile where we could witness the real destruction of the earthquake. The entire road (approx. 400 mts) is washed away by the avalanche and it is now covered by huge rocks and sludge. More or less, all of the mountains in that part of North Sikkim had attrition and abrasion.
After crossing nearly fourteen landslides and the perilous way (where we had to cross the gaps by walking on undersized logs and sometimes by holding ropes tighten there by the mountaineering team) our team reaches Bey at 8:30 A.M. There were very few villagers who had come there to lift Dhaja in the name of the deceased from 4th Mile relief camp. We distributed the relief materials to the villagers and shared our grief to the surviving members of the deceased.
This Landslide has shattered the village of Bey
The villagers notify us that the village used to have 16 houses of which 4 were sweep away by the landslide. It has to be mentioned here that this village is situated below a mountain which was fall down after the earthquake leading to the death of five people of a lone family. The misfortune of those people who lost their lives is excruciating. After the wobble, the villagers were rescued by the teams led by the locals and NDRF personals. Apart from the human lives, the village has lost almost every means of its survival. It has lost its agricultural lands, livestock, houses, orchards, cardamom lands and so on. According to a woman she has lost all of her livestock in the catastrophe. She had twenty cows, few pigs and goats which were brush off by the landslide. We have also observed homely materials like frying pan, and small packs of cloth scattered around the village which were thrown by the villagers in distress. The domestic animals, which had overcome the fatality, were grazing in the plains of the derelict village.
The picture of present Bey is a heartbreaking one. Within a fraction of second the beautiful village of Bey was converted into a land of misery. The Lepchas of Bey and their virtuousness, their openhandedness and their simplicity on the one side and the loss of their near and dear ones along with their property on the other has greatly shaken my idea of the existence of a “Supernatural Power” which we generally term as GOD.
The team of Namchi Government College was lead by Mr. Rajen Upadhyay, Assistant Professor Department of History and was convoy by Mr. Dweep Subba (V Semester) Mr. Jeet Bardewa (V Semester) Mr. Tilak Bardewa (Pass out Student), Mr. Hari Chandra Sharma (V Semester), Mr. Phurba Lepcha (III Semester), Mr. Santosh Rai (III Semester) and Mr. Simon Rai (Driver). Being a team Leader I would like to thank Mr. Simon Rai who has carried the entire relief materials on his shoulders on the adverse way towards Bey.
Distributing Relief materials to the villagers at Bey

Crossing the perilous way 


The Gurkha's Daughter: Stories by Sikkim's student creates publishing buzz in London


LONDON: Prajwal Parajuly, a 27-year-old student at the University of Oxford from Gangtok, Sikkim, India, created quite a furore in the publishing world of London this week by being signed by the Steig Larson trilogy publisher Quercus Books in a respectable five-figure pound advance. With the signing, Mr. Parajuly becomes the youngest author at Quercus. 



Already touted as the next big thing in South Asian fiction by various publications of the Indian sub-continent, Prajwal's The Gurkha's Daughter: Stories clinched him the deal in a two-book signing, proving that talent -- irrespective of the market for short-story collections -- doesn't go unrecognized. This will be the first time a book on fiction has been written about Nepali-speaking people without the contents restricting themselves to Nepal. 

"Yes, the stories are based all over -- Sikkim, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Nepal, Bhutan, New York," Prajwal said. "Nepali-speaking people don't live in Nepal alone. Those in the Diaspora, too, have amazing stories that needed to be written." 

Prajwal was represented by Susan Yearwood at the Susan Yearwood Literary Agency in London. 

The Gurkha's Daughter: Stories encapsulates various aspects of lives of Nepali-speaking people from troubled Gurkha pensioners to Nepali-speaking Bhutanese refugees living in a state of statelessness for more than two decades, and Diversity Visa winners struggling in New York to a retired Nepali-speaking Indian woman contemplating a premarital affair, these tales take us into fascinating worlds of a people who are oscillating from one identity crisis to another. 
Prajwal, the first Indian to be selected into the University of Oxford's highly selective Creative Writing Master's, worked as an advertising executive at "The Village Voice" in New York before embarking on writing his book. He has been the editor in chief of "detours: an explorer's guide to the midwest", a national award-winning travel magazine based on Iowa, Illinois and Missouri, in the United States.


The article was published in Sikkim Times http://sikkimnews.blogspot.com on 25th of September 2011

Namchi grieves for the earthquake victims

Namchi mourns for the Earthquake victims
The earthquake of 18th September has greatly astounded Sikkim, the tiny Himalayan State of Indian Union. The incident was perhaps a shocking episode in the history of Sikkim and it is hard to forget to all those who have come across the catastrophe. Even after the span of 5 days from the apocalypse the government measures are still struggling to reach to the victims. We all are getting reports, some official and some unofficial about the desolation caused by the earthquake. Amid to these reports, the rumor is playing a vital role to create panic among the traumatized people. Yesterday morning I received a text on my mobile which was a sufficient stuff to get terrorize for all of us who are trying to surmount the fatality. It states thus:
Students of Namchi Govt. College
Earthquake can occur within 48 hours due to lava at Guru Dongmar Lake and it can damage entire Sikkim. These people, whom I prefer to, say anti-socials are leading a key role to play with the innocence of the Sikkimese people. 
The cataclysm came and gone but has left an untold miseries. I saw a picture published on an English Daily from Gangtok which has greatly stroked me. It was a picture of a school girl from Mangan who was searching her books and copies on the debris of her dismantle house. Every newspaper is chock-full with the reports and pictures of devastation. It is really harsh to believe that all the pictures are from our state and the people on those pictures are our fellow brethrens.
Silent Prayers of Namchi 
In order to show our concern to all the departed souls, ailing individuals and affected families of the disaster, NTSF has organized a “Candle Rally” at Namchi on 23rd September.  A crowd of around 500 have made a “Candle March” which was started from Central Park Namchi at 6:20 P M.  The march was attended by the students, teachers, journalists, and lawyers and so on. The accomplices were holding placards on their hands to show their concern towards the departed souls. I have also witnessed few Buddhist Monks chanting “Om Mani Padme Hung” to prevent such incidents in the near future. People gathered for march have prayed for the salvation of the departed souls as well as for the speedy recovery of injured in the catastrophe of September 18th. The only prayer of every individual before his almighty was to bless the Mayalyang in the near future from such apocalypse.    

The aftermath of Earthquake at Namchi



Statue of Lord Shiva- The Trisul is broken Pic. Pranika Gurung
The earthquake that occurred on 18th of September will be always remembered by every Sikkimese till the end. It was a horrific shake, a mind-boggling of which none of our people have ever imagined. The earthquake measuring 6.9 Richter Scale nearly swept the smallest state of the Indian Union. The massive event took place at 6:10 on Sunday evening when most of our people were busy in their homely affairs . The sound was terrible, a bloodcurdling one. The whole structure was shivering and I got tuck within my room doing nothing to help my family. It was perfectly a dying situation, a catch 22. In such circumstances, when my wife hugged me, I realized how important life is for all and also apprehended the value of a loved one during a trouble. After the shake of almost 40 seconds the horror got solace and we managed to make ourselves out of the building. After the wobble, when I rushed down to the street I saw an unusual gathering in which most of them were crying with their near and dear ones.
It was raining outside- the day was also disobliging. Due to the power cuts we were unable to recognize each other on the street but, I can witness fear in everyone’s eyes. Most of them were shivering and telling the tale of how they got escape from the mouth of fatality. From the street, one and all were busy in getting connected to their family members. I too made a call and got a relief to know that my family was safe without any physical damage. Though, the cell phones were not working we had been able to receive few calls from outside the state. My friends from Mumbai, Pune and New Delhi informed me about the magnitude of the earthquake. After hearing it I literally got frisson. On my silence my wife asked me about the matter but, I simply answered her “We escape death”.  
A Cracked House at a Village of South Sikkim Pic. Pranika Gurung
After the havoc, rumor reined the entire state. Many of them in the crowd were talking about a next devastation. Most of them were equating the event with the judgment of God. Few intellectuals were discussing about the movement of tectonic plates and many others were listening to the rumors of another fatality. After spending nearly three hours on the street we made our way to our house. The entire night no one slept in the whole town and in the whole state. Everyone spent the night of 18th September in counting the aftershocks. All together there were nearly 20 aftershocks subsequent to the big hit of 6:10.
The next day when our cell phones began to function, I got many calls from my friends scattered all around India. Few local friends informed me about the damages taken place in various heritage sites of Sikkim. I felt very bad to hear that the famous Enchey Monastery in Gangtok, Tashiding Monastery in West Sikkim and Dubdi Monastery (the oldest monastery of Sikkim) was badly damaged due to the massive earthquake. Pende Laptse, popularly known as Nga Dak Monastery which is also a lone heritage site of Namchi might have born the shake. If possible and if it is standing, I will be posting more posts on this 300 year old monument of Southern Sikkim.
Today I got a report from one of my students Miss Pranika Gurung of Namchi Government College about the devastation made by the Hit at the periphery of Namchi. According to this Official Report there is a massive destruction in the south Sikkim as well.
Earthquake Updates form Namchi as Informed by DPO LR&DDM Pempa Narbu Sherpa.
Miniram-Singithang: 65 house severely damage.
Lunchuk-kameray: 50 houses severely damage.
Ralong-Nalang GPU; 50 houses fully damage and three houses collapsed.
Mikhola-Kitam: 7houses fully damaged and 1 mandir damaged.
Tingrithang GUP: 29 houses fully damaged 100 houses severely and partially damaged and 20 families will be shifted at Namchi Government College by 9pm today and 10 families had given safe shelter at Chief Minister’s home at KLholaghari.
Temi Tarku GPU; 114 houses severely Damaged and 20 families are safely evacuated and provided safe shelter.
Namchi: More than 50 RCC buildings severely damaged and had cracks.
SPIL buildings got crack on walls and cracks on walls and staff quarters of Namchi District Jail. 
Boomtar landslide aggravated and nearby houses was shifted to safe shelter.
Sai Mandir Assangthang: several cracks had been reported.
Solophok Char Dham; Trisul broken, Ringfinger holding dammaruo broken, several cracks on the body of statue of 5mm.
Gate leading to statue sustain cracks about 2 to 6 inch and many cracks had been found leading to Solophok road.
Melli PHC had been severely damaged and shifted to nearby school and private houses.
More than 9 school buildings fully collapses including kaccha building and 8 schools got major damaged.
BAC Sikip: 7 houses fully damaged.

Namthang BAC: 30 houses damaged.
Namchi mourns for the victims Pic. Pranika Gurung 
Apart from Namchi, Mangan the epicenter of the earthquake is in a total distressing situation. The death toll is increasing hour after hour at the epicenter. I have been trying to call my friends there but unable to do so due to network hurdles. I wish everyone’s safety at Mangan and pray for those who have lost their lives in the earthquake.

Constitution of Sikkim State Congress 1947



 Tashi Tshering-The First President of Sikkim State Congress
The peasants of Sikkim had resisted a lot against the Sikkimese theocracy. After the Indian independence they were not at all in a mood to live the very same life which their forefathers lived. The earlier individual resistance they had shown against the suppression of the Kazis now began to take a shape of united resistance in which the peasants of Sikkim were searching their new avenues to live their lives. The age old concept of Devine Right of the King &Co. was at a very shaky position. This all was happening due to the geo-political situation which was prevalent not only in India after her independence, but in the entire Himalayas. It is to be noted here, that the political situation of Nepal was also coming across from the similar ups and downs which was then ubiquitous in Sikkim. The Nepali populace started an open divergence against the Rana regime for its removal. It was all happening because the resistance level of the masses in the entire Himalayas was plummeting heavily due to the suppression from the higher authorities.
Capt. Dimik Singh Lepcha General Secretary of S S C
Likewise in Nepal, the Sikkimese peasants also began to raise their voices against the forced labors which had exploited its peasantry a lot. Unlike an open rebellion in Nepal, the peasants here began to ask for their rights through various associations founded by different leaders in the Kingdom. In the words of Howard Zinn-“The uneasiness grows and grows and the citizenry gathers in resistance in larger and larger numbers, which becomes too many to control; one day the top heavy empire collapses.” He further writes- “Change in public consciousness starts from low level discontent, at first vague, with no connection being made between the discontent and the policies of the government. And the dots begin to connect, indignation increases, and people began to speak out, organize and act”. Similar to the ideas of Howard Zinn, the small gatherings of uneducated and Bustiwallas in far flung Sikkim organized themselves and founded the first ever political party of Sikkimese Kingdom at Gangtok on 7th December 1947. They named it as SIKKIM STATE CONGRESS which was greatly inspired from its Indian counterpart the Indian National Congress. Interestingly, the flag of the said party also had a tri-color similar to that of the Party Flag of the Indian National Congress.  
 Kashiraj Pradhan The Vice President
To continue their united resistance through a political banner, the Sikkim State Congress had even made a constitution. It was meant for the execution of a member’s duties in some far off places of Sikkim. It basically deals with the code and conduct of the party members. The picture posted here is of the few pages of the said Party Constitution. Details have been provided by the document about the powers and functions of its President and other Executives. Further, the paper also offers some new ideas to understand the basic purposes of this political organization.  The interesting part of the document is that a block level committee in every block was founded after the formation of the Party. To reach at the doorsteps of the peasants those blocks were further sub-divided into villages. Every member of Sikkim State Congress had to get a membership card at the cost of Rs. 1. Adults of 18 years and above were given the general membership (who wanted to join the Party). The Constitution of Sikkim State Congress had all together 12 Articles supported with many other clauses. It has given much emphasis on the discipline of the cadres and Annual Meetings.  
I am greatly indebted to Mr. B. B. Lhorung Rai of Kazi Tar Namchi for sharing this piece of information with me. The document is to a great extent helpful for the study of political development in the erstwhile Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim. 

Namchi- The Head Quarter of South Sikkim in 1966


South Sikkim occupies an important place in igniting the slumbered Sikkimese populace against the oppression made by the Kazis and Thikadars, the erstwhile ruling cliques of Sikkim. It is to be mention here that in the 40’s of the last century, few sons of Sikkimese peasantry, who hailed from this part began to dream for an egalitarian set up for the better administration of the kingdom of Sikkim. Keeping this in mind, they started an underground movement known as Member Party at a place called Namthang in South Sikkim. Amid to the paucity of political agenda and ideologies we are compelled to accept it as the first political organization of politically barren Sikkim. The foundation of such organization among the isolated Sikkimese peasantry has not only lighted the idea of political consciousness but, also rejected the opinion of Karl Marx which says “they cannot represent themselves: they must be represented”. But, Sikkim formerly being a secluded Kingdom, such instances had never received any attention from the enlightened historians.  
Namchi in 1966
 In the midst of a hegemonic, autocratic or authoritarian political structure people from the other parts of the Kingdom began to raise the voices against the corrupt practices of the ruling cliques. If we have to justify these incidents from a subaltern perspective than one can say that a tussle was on its way between the subalterns and the elites.  With the foundation of Rajya Praja Sammelan in 1946, by the peasants of Temi Tarku, South Sikkim has plunged itself on its way towards democracy.
The silent whispers of the remote villages began to make a huge clamor when the educated sons of peasant families like Chandra Das Rai of Namchi, Nayan Tshering Lepcha of Namthang, and the Tiwari brothers of Temi Tarku began to join it. The need of an umbrella organization in Sikkim was also felt by the South District which ultimately paved the way for the establishment Sikkim State Congress on 7th of December 1947. Mr. Chandra Das Rai from Namchi delivered a flamboyant speech to the masses in his flawless Nepali which also played a vital role in breeding the ideas of resistance among the politically illiterate Sikkimese peasants.
In the anti-merger movement of the 70’s people like Durga Prasad Rajalim of Namchi played an imperative part to protect the inviolability of his motherland. Further, the place has also produced people like ex- Chief Minister Mr. N. B. Bhandari (who had his education at Namchi and later started his political career from the very place) and the present Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Chamling. In sports too, South Sikkim has given us Mr. Bhaichung Bhutia, the star of Indian Football and Tarundeep Rai the Indian archer. In addition to these, the district has given birth to poets like Agam Singh Tamang APATAN and many other talents related to various fields. Thus, the historical importance of South Sikkim cannot be underestimated.
During my eight years of stay at Namchi, I tried my best to find some old pictures of it. I have been able to stumble on an old picture that dates back to the 40’s but, due to a very low resolution I am unable to identify the place. Somebody told me that the picture was taken in 1949 in the midst of No Rent Campaign at Alley Ground. It is to be noted here, the new Indian Dewan John S Lal had to face a great difficulty posed by the State Congress when he reached Namchi to collect the tax from the peasants in the said year. He got an experience of the people’s attitude during his visit to Namchi; he had to face a huge demonstration led by the State Congress leaders Nayan Tshering Lepcha and Chandra Das Rai.
But, I am not sure weather the picture is related to this event or not. Therefore, until I will not be able to get authentic information about it its not appropriate for me to post it on my blog. However, picture of today’s post is reliable. It is a view of Namchi Senior Secondary School in the present day. This was taken by some unknown person in 1966. I am greatly thankful to Anup Sarkar for sharing this valuable piece of information with me. The picture speaks many words about Namchi, the present District Head Quarter of South Sikkim.


Pende- Lhaptse in the verge of Crumple

Pende Lhaptse- Counting its days for collapse
Namchi has played an imperative part in the history of Sikkim. If we go back to the reign of   Chador Namgyal (1700-1716 AD) the Pende Ongmoo affair allocates a special place in the Sikkimese history. It is said that Pende Ongmoo was executed at a place called Pende-Lhaptse, a few kilometers away from today’s Namchi town. It is necessary to discuss here about Pende Ongmoo, who has shared, such a special place in the early history of Sikkim. Pende Ongmoo sometimes written as Pende Wangmo was born of the first wife of King Tensung Namgyal (1670-1700 A D) who was a Bhutanese princess. During the accession of Chador Namgyal, she put a strong opposition regarding the succession of her brother. For her, being the eldest child of the deceased King Tensung Namgyal she was the legitimate successor to the throne of Sikkim after her father. Her stubborn nature led her to invite a force from Bhutan to assassinate the boy king who was just 14 during his accession. A loyal minister of the Sikkimese Court Yugthing Yeshe took the boy King to Lhasa via Ilam and Walong (then in western Sikkim now in Eastern Nepal). The event led to the Bhutanese occupation of Rhabdentse, then capital of Sikkim. For nearly 8 years of occupation the Bhutanese withdrew themselves from Sikkim with the mediation of Sixth Dalai Lama of Tibet. But, Pende Ongmoo was not reconciled. She was in search of an opportunity to take a beautiful chance to capture the throne of Sikkim. In 1716, when the King Chador Namgyal was at Ralang hot spring Pende Wangmo conspired with a Tibetan doctor to cause bloodletting from a main artery. The doctor, in a pretext of check-up cut the main vain of the king that caused his death.
After the death of the king, a force was sent to Namchi to execute the Tibetan doctor and the crooked princess. The doctor was granted a fierce death by the Sikkimese ministers. Likewise, Pende Wangmo strangled to death with a silk scarf inside a room of the said palace.
Few years back, I have visited the said place which is now at the verge of its downfall. It is a palace built for Pende Wangmo by then ruler of Sikkim. The most unfortunate matter which I witnessed during my visit was the least paid attention of the concerned authority to preserve the heritage. In some unknown period, to keep the structure stand, few iron pillars were erected which now bowing down due to the heavy load of the building. If some effective measures are not taken to protect this ‘living history’, within few years it will get collapse which would not only lead to a loss of an old building but also a treacherous page of Sikkim History.  
Note:- The picture shown above was taken few years back and due to a low resolution its not properly visible. Latest picture of  the site will be featured soon on this blog. 

सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको शुरुवात

Extort from my upcoming book in Nepali
भारतको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन चरमोत्कर्षमा रहँदा, सिक्किमको राजनीति सुसुप्त अवस्थामा रहेको पाइन्छ| सिक्किम त्यसताक बेलायती साम्राज्यवादले जन्माएका कुरीतिहरूबीच जकडिएको अवस्थामा थियो, सिक्किमे प्रजाले चाहेर पनि त्यस कुरीतिको प्रतिवाद गर्न सक्दैन थिए किनभने उनीहरूको समस्यालाई उजागर गर्ने कुनै सङ्गठन सिक्किममा जन्मिएकै थिएन| यदा-कदा एक दुइ स-साना सङ्गठनद्वारा राजनैतिक चेतना ल्याउने प्रयास भइरहे तापनि ती प्रयासहरू अर्थपूर्ण नरहेको पाइन्छ| ती स-साना सङ्गठनहरू ठूला राजनैतिक दलहरू नभई , स-साना सुधार सङ्गठनहरू मात्र थिए, जसका कुनै राजनैतिक सिद्धान्तहरू थिएनन्| यसैले आधुनिक परिदृष्यमा यी सङ्गठनहरूलाई राजनैतिक सङ्गठन भन्न उपयुक्त हुँदैन| त्यसै गरी ती सङ्गठनहरू जस्तै- सिक्किम प्रजा सम्मेलन, प्रजा परिषद् र प्रजा सुधार समाज, राज्यका विभिन्न गाउँ- बस्तीहरूमा शुरु गरिएका थिए जसको मुख्य उद्देश्य जमीनदारी, कालो- भारी ठेकी-बेठी, कुरुवा, झार्लाङ्गी आदि कुरीतिहरूको उन्मूलन थियो| उनीहरूको नीति युगानुकूल रहे तापनि ऐक्यबद्धताका अभावमा ती नीतिहरूको सठीक कार्यान्वयन हुनसकेन| परिणामतः सिक्किमका निमुखा प्रजाहरूको समस्यामा कुनै सुधार आएन| भारत स्वतन्त्र हुँदा सिक्किमे किसानहरू ठीक त्यही पद्धतिले जीविकोपार्जन गर्दै थिए, जुन पद्धतिमा उनीहरूका बाउ- बाजे बॉंचेका थिए| भारतको स्वतन्त्रता एउटा ऐतिहासिक घटना थियो जसद्वारा सिक्किम पनि अछुतो रहेन|
आफ्नो छिमेकमा भएको युगान्तकारी परिवर्तनले सिक्किममा पनि स्वतन्त्रताका केही न्याना तरङ्गहरूको सूत्रपात भएको पाइन्छ| यो अविस्मरणीय देखिन्छ, धेरैजसो भारतीय इतिहासकारका विचारमा सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको शुरुवात भारतको स्वतन्त्रता संग्रामबाट प्रेरित तथा प्रभावित भएर भएको हो भन्ने छ| भारतको स्वतन्त्रता अनि त्यसमा गान्धीजीका साथै अरू कंग्रेसी नेताहरूको योगदान अविस्मरणीय छन्| यस घटनाको अरू कुनै राष्ट्रको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनसँग तुलना हुन सक्दैन| तर, सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको विकास पूर्णतः भारतको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनबाट प्रेरित भएर भएको हो भन्ने धारणा न्यायसङ्गत होइन| आफ्नै छिमेकी राज्यमा भएको त्यस परिवर्तनले सिक्किमे हृदयहरूमा गहिरो छाप अवश्य छोडेको हुनसक्छ तर, सिक्किमे राजनीतिमा सचेतता भारतको स्वतन्त्रताले ल्याएको हो भनी ठोकुवा दिँदा सिक्किमका स्थानिक कारणहरूलाई अन्याय हुन जान्छ| ती भारतीय साथै विदेशी इतिहासकारहरूले यदि सिक्किमको तत्कालीन पृष्टभूमिको गहन अध्ययन गरेर जिम्मेवारीपूर्ण इतिहास लेखिदिएका भए, सिक्किमको राजनैतिक इतिहास आज एउटा आफ्नै घडेरीमा खडा भएको हुने थियो होला सायद|
सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताका मौलिक कारणहरूः
१. जमीनदारी प्रथाः-
जमीनदारी प्रथा सिक्किमलाई एउटा अंग्रेजी साम्राज्यवादको उपहार थियो, जसद्वारा यहॉंका जमीनदारहरूले मानौं गरीब प्रजाहरूको शोषण गर्ने एउटा सजिलो ‘अस्त्र’ प्राप्त गरेका थिए| सन् १८९०-को अंग्रेजी चिनीयाइ सम्मेलन (Anglo Chinese Convention) - ले भारतको अंग्रेज सरकारलाई सिक्किमको शासन व्यवस्थालाई आफ्नै ढङ्गले सञ्चालन गर्ने छूट दिएको थियो| जसको फलस्वरूप, अंग्रेजी राजनैतिक अधिकारी (British Poltical Officers) जे. सी ह्वाइटले (J.C.White) एउटा राज्य परिषद्को स्थापना गरे र उनी आफै त्यस परिषद्का सभापति भए| यी जे.सी ह्वाइटले नै सिक्किमलाई पहिलोचोटि जमीनदारी, ठेेकेदारी जस्ता काजीवादी नीतिको परिचय गराए| पछि यिनै जमीनदार, ठेकेदार काजी आदिले आफ्नो शक्तिको गलत प्रयोग गरेर निमुखा प्रजाहरूको हूर्मत लिए| सिक्किमे प्रजाहरूलाई विभिन्न प्रकारले शोषण गरेको तथ्याङ्क अहिले पनि गाउँका बुजुर्ग व्यक्तिहरूबाट प्राप्त गर्न सकिन्छ| भारतबाट अङ्ग्रेज सरकारको पलायनपछि पनि, सिक्किम मा यी प्रथाहरू राजतन्त्रका मल-जलले मौलाइरहे| शोषणको त्यस परिवेशमा आफ्ना हक र अधिकारको विषयमा सोच्न न सिक्किमे किसानहरूमा फूर्सद थियो न आँट नै थियो अनि न त कुनै राजनैतिक सङ्गठनहरूद्वारा यी विषयहरूको उठान गर्ने कुनै राजनैतिक अखडा थियो| फलतः सिक्किमे किसान पिल्सिरहे, चेप्टीरहे समयको कुचक्रमा एउटा नयॉं बिहानीको प्रतीक्षामा, एउटा नयॉं संसारको आशामा|
यदि हामीले अंग्रेजी साम्राज्यवादसँग सिक्किमे सामन्तवादी जमीनदारी प्रथालाई तुलना गर्ने हो भने, यहॉं रहेको जमीनदारी प्रथा अझ विकराल थियो| भारतका जनतालाई शोषण गर्ने त एक विदेशी शक्ति थियो जो आफ्नो साम्राज्यताको घमण्डले चूर भएर सोझा भारतीयहरूलाई चुस्तथ्यो| तर, सिक्किमका सिक्किमे प्रजाहरू त आफ्नै दाजु-भाईहरूद्वारा टाढिँदै थिए, लुटिँदै थिए अनि चुसिँदै थिए| एक साधारण सिक्किमे प्रजा एउटा प्रजामात्र थिएनन् उनीहरूका विभिन्न रूपहरू थिए| कहिले उनीहरू कालो भारी बोक्ने भरिया थिए, कहिले सामान कुर्ने कुरुवा, कहिले जमीनदारको हली थिए त कहिले आफ्नै खेताला| इतिहास पढ्दा र साधारण सिक्किमे किसान ढॉंटिएको देख्दा यस्तो लाग्छ उनीहरूको मनस्थितिमा यिनै चार- पॉंच शब्दहरू गुञ्जिरहेका हुँदा हुन्|
शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, न्याय, अधिकार, समानता आदिजस्ता शब्दहरू त सायद उनीहरूले सुन्नै नपाइ बिते होला| सिक्किमे जमीनदारी प्रथाको कथा सुन्दा कहिले काही हाम्रो मस्तिष्कमा फ्रान्सको सामन्तवाद सम्झना दौडन्छ| मध्यकालीन फ्रान्समा त्यहॉंको समाज तीन भागमा विभाजित हुँदथ्यो जसलाई प्रथमवर्ग (First Estate), दोस्रो वर्ग ( Second Estate) अनि तेस्रो वर्ग (Third Estate) भनेर राज्यले छुट्याएको हुन्थ्यो| पहिलो वर्गमा राजा र उसका आसे पासेहरू हुन्थे भने दोस्रो वर्गमा क्लेर्जी (Clergy) अर्थात् चर्चका पुजारीहरू हुन्थे र त्यसै गरी सर्वसाधारण प्रजाहरू तेस्रो वर्गमा पर्दथे|
सिक्किमको तत्कालीन व्यवस्थाले यसरी सिक्किमे समाजलाई विभाजित नगरे तापनि समाजको बनौट र त्यहॉं व्याप्त नीति एकै-एकै थियो भन्दा कुनै अत्युक्ति नहोला| जे भए पनि गरीब र बेसाहाराको कथा र व्यथा एउटै हुन्छ, चाहे त्यो गरीब त्यसबेलाको सिक्किमे किसान होस् कि मध्यकालीन फ्रान्सको कुनै एउटा दास| किनभने, गरीबीको न कुनै भाषा हुन्छ न कुनै जात अनि न यसको राजनैतिक सीमाना नै हुन्छ| तर कुनै पनि क्रान्तिको शंखनादभन्दा अघि यिनै गरीबका चित्कारहरूले राजनैतिक सत्ताको दैलो ढकढक्याइ रहेको पाइन्छ| सिक्किमको राजनैतिक परिप्रेक्ष्यमा पछि गएर यिनै तत्वहरूले राजनैतिक सचेतताको जागरणका निम्ति महत्वपूर्ण कार्य गरेको पाउँछौं|
जमीनदारको आदेश सिक्किमे किसानहरूका निम्ति एउटा ईश्‍वरको आदेश थियो| जे भने पनि मान्नैपर्ने स्थिति, कुनै प्रतिवाद छैन न त त्यस स्थितिको निवारण छ| सिक्किमका किसानहरू मानौं जनावर हुन् जति काम लगाउन सक्यो त्यति जमीनदारलाई फाइदा| गरीब श्रमिकको श्रमको कुनै ज्याला छैन, मागोस पनि कसरी उ त जमीनदारको पाखुरे| जति मन पर्‍यो त्यति खजाना जमीनदारले थोप्दा पनि चुप चाप लाग्नुपर्ने त्यस बेलाको अधिकार बिहीन कानून| महाराज टॉंसी नामग्याल एक गुणिला व्यक्ति तर उनीसम्म कुनै अर्जी पुग्नै नपाउने| काजीहरू जो धेरै जसो आफै जमीनदार थिए अर्जी लेखेको थाहा पाए सक्दो अत्याचार गर्ने| कति सहन्छ एउटा साधारण मान्छेले? यदि यस विषयमा जान्ने कसैको चासो भए त्यसको ज्वलन्त उदाहरण सिक्किमका हरेक गाउँ-घरतिर पर्याप्त मात्रामा पाइन सकिन्थ्यो| राजाले त सायद सुनिदिन्थे होला तर उनी आफ्नै दरवारमा उनका झाउरे- बाउरे काजीहरू बीच बस्ने, सॉंच्चै भन्नुपर्दा उनलाई बाहिर जान र प्रजाको समस्या बुझ्न उनका काजी भारदारहरूले साह्रै दिए जस्तो देखिँदैन| केही पुराना दस्तावेजहरूको अध्ययनबाट गाउँ-बस्तीका हरेक समस्या कानुनी तौरमा यिनै काजीहरूले गर्थे भन्ने तथ्य प्रष्ट हुन्छ| अब उनीहरूले दिएको सुनवाईले कसले कति न्याय पाउँथ्यो भन्ने कुरा अहिलेको समाजलाई बुझाइरहनु पर्ला जस्तो लाग्दैन| सिक्किमको यस्तो व्यवस्थादेखि विरक्तिएर धेरै सिक्किमे परिवारहरू यहॉंबाट पलायन भई, असम, बङ्गाल, मणिपुर, नेपालतिर गई बसेको तथ्याङ्क हामी पाउँछौं|
२. ठिकादारी प्रथाः-
ऐतिहासिक दृष्टिले हेर्नु हो भने, यस प्रथाको शुरुवात सन् २८७७- तिर भएको थाहा लाग्छ, जब नेवारी व्यापारीहरूलाई सिक्किम सरकारले उत्खनन, बसोबासो र वन संरक्षण तथा व्यवस्थापनका निम्ति ठिका प्रदान गर्दछ| सन् १८६७-मा दुइजना नेपाल बन्धुहरू लक्ष्मीदार र चन्दवीर मास्केलाई वर्षको ५०० रुपियॉं राजालाई र ७०० रुपियॉं खाङ्गसा देवान र फोदाङ्ग लामालाई (फोदाङ्ग र खाङ्गता अंगे्रज समर्थक काजीहरू थिए) दिने राजीनामाका साथ २० वर्षका लागि सिक्किमे बॉंझो जमीनहरू ठिकामा दिइन्छ| ती नेवार बन्धुहरूले यहॉंका बॉंझा जमीनहरू नेपालबाट भित्र्याइएका नेपालीहरूलाई दिए| यो घट्नाभन्दा धेरै दशकअघि देखिनै नेपालीहरूको सिक्किममा बसोबासो भइआएको धेरै ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरू भेट्टाइन्छ| स्मरण रहोस, सिक्किममा यिनै नेपालीहरूले Terrace Cultivation-को शुरुवात गरेका हुन् जसद्वारा सिक्किममा आधुनिक कृषि पद्धतिको सुत्रपात भएको हो| बृटिस-भारतको मुख्य उद्देश्य नेपालीहरूबाट सस्तो मजदुरी प्राप्त गर्नु थियो त्यसैले उनीहरूले नेपालीहरूको सिक्किममा बसोबासो माथि जोड दिए|
फलतः नेपालीहरूको जनसङ्ख्या सिक्किममा बढ्दै गयो| नेपालीहरूको जनसङ्ख्या सँगसँगै ठिकादारी प्रथाले उत्कर्षता पाएको प्रमाणहरू पाइन्छ| सिक्किमको त्यसबेलाको सामाजिक वर्गीकरणमा ठिकादारहरूको स्थान काजीभन्दा एकै खुडकिलो मात्र तल रहने गर्दथ्यो| जसको कारणले यी ठिकादारहरूले सोझा जनताहरूमाथि मनमौजी गर्नेगर्थे| कति ठिकादारहरू त राजाकोभन्दा अझ बढी ठॉंट-बॉंटका साथ रहेको पाइन्छ| यी ठिकादारहरूको मुख्य काम अंग्रेजहरूलाई श्रमको निर्यात गर्नु थियो| तिनताक अंग्रेज सरकारले आफ्नो व्यापारलाई बढाउनका निम्ति धेरै बाटा- घाटाहरूको निर्माण गरेको थियो| यी कार्यहरूलाई सफल गराउन ठिकादारहरूलाई श्रम जुटाउन अंग्रेज सरकारको हुकुम हुन्थ्यो| यसबाहेक यिनै अंग्रेज साहेबहरूको भारी बोक्न, एक ठाउँको सामान अर्को ठाउँ सार्न, कालो भारी, झालाङ्गी इत्यादी बोक्ने ठिका पनि अंग्रेजहरूले यिनै ठिकादारहरूलाई दिएको हुन्थ्यो| सोझा साथै डराउने स्वभावका ती मजदुरहरूको फाइदा लिँदै ठिकादारहरूले ती श्रमिकहरूलाई भनी अङ्ग्रेज बाबुहरूले दिएको पैसा हडप्ने गर्दथे| ती लुटिएका सोझा सिक्किम किसानहरू निःशब्द बनेर आफ्नो काम गर्थे र जसको ज्याला एकदमै न्यून हुन्थ्यो| कोही बेला त बिना पैसा पनि काम गर्नुपर्थ्यो जसले ती गरीबहरूको जिन्दगीमा जटिलताको पाहाड खडा गर्थ्यो, तरै पनि चाबुक र लाठी अनि ठिँगुरोका डरले ठिकादारको सामन्तवादी कानूनको पालना गर्थे| वास्तवमा ठिकादारहरूको काजी जमीनदारहरूसँग नजिकैको सम्बन्ध भएका कारण वर्वरतापूर्ण कार्यहरू अनभिज्ञ जनताहरूमाथि देखाउँथे| यस्तो सामाजिक संस्कारहरूभित्र सिक्किमे किसानहरूमा राजनैतिक सचेतता खोज्नु अन्धालाई बाटो देखाइमाग्नु सरहमात्र हुनजान्छ|
३. कालो भारीः
यो अमानवीय शोषणको शुरुवात पनि सिक्किमको बृटिशसित सम्बन्ध स्थापित भएपछि मात्र भएको हो| तर ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरूको अभावमा यसको शुरुवात यही सालदेखि भयो भनी किटान गरेर भन्न सकिँदैन| यस प्रथाको नाउँ किन कालो भारी रह्यो भन्ने विषयमा विभिन्न इतिहासकारहरूको छुट्टा छुट्टै मतहरूपाइन्छन्| तर वास्तवमा अङ्ग्रेजहरूले चीन अथवा तिब्बतसँग हात-हतियारहरूको निर्यात गर्ने गर्थे| ती हात -हतियारहरू इङ्गल्याण्डबाट जहाजमा चढाउँदा कुनै अर्कै रङ्गको कपडाले ढाकिएको, बॉंधिएको हुन्थ्यो| ती सामानहरूलाई कलकत्ताको बन्दगाहमा उतारेर फेरि रेल गाडीद्वारा गेल -खोलामा ओरालिन्थ्यो| अति लामो समयसम्म मात्राका कारणले ती इङ्गल्याण्डबाट निर्यात गरिएका सामानहरूलाई ढाकिएको कपडाको रङ्ग मैला अथवा धूलोका कारण कालो भएको हुँदो हो र त्यसैले शायद ती भारीहरूको नाम कालो भारी पर्न गएको हुनसक्छ| यी भारीहरू बोक्न सिक्किमका प्रायः सबै ठाउँका गरीब किसानहरू जाने गर्दथे जसलाई काजी- जमिनदार अथवा ठेकादारहरूको सो काम गर्ने आदेश हुन्थ्यो| धेरै जसो बुजुर्गहरूको भनाइमा कालो भारीभित्र हात हतियार मात्र हुँदैनथ्यो| कुनै- कुनै बेला उनीहरूले दैनिक जीवनमा चाहिने सामानहरू जस्तै - जुत्ता, ज्याकेट, कम्बल इत्यादि पनि बोकेका कुरा गर्छन्| कुनै-कुनै बेला जब यी भारीको सङ्ख्या धेरै हुन्थ्यो त्यसबेला प्रायः तीन चारवटा गाउँका किसानहरू ती भारीहरू बोक्न जान्थे| पूर्व पश्‍चिम र दक्षिण सिक्किमका किसानहरूलाई यो प्रथाले धेरै सताएको पाइन्छ कारण यी जिल्लाहरू बृटिश भारतको सीमाना नजिक थिए| जुन किसानको जमीन्दारसँग राम्रो सम्बन्ध रहेको हुन्थ्यो ती किसानहरू धेरजसो कालो भारी बोक्नबाट जोगिने गर्थे| तर सर्वसाधारण किसानहरूको कथा र व्यथा यस्तै नै थियो| यदि कुनै सिक्किमे किसानले यसको प्रतिवाद गर्‍यो भने उसको जमीन, घर, गाई-वस्तु सबै खोसिदिन्थे| पश्‍चिम सिक्किमका रैतीहरू कालो भारी बोक्न दार्जीलिङसम्म गएको प्रमाण पाइन्छ| दक्षिण सिक्किमकाहरू कहिले टिस्टा अनि कहिले गेल खोलासम्म जाने गरेको पाइन्छ| त्यसै गरी पूर्व सिक्किमका भरियाहरू रम्फूसम्म अनि कुनै बेला गेल खोलासम्मै गएको प्रमाण पाइन्छ| माथि बताइएअनुसार अङ्ग्रेज अधिकारीहरूले कालो भारीको ओसार- पोसारका निम्ति काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई ठिका दिएका हुन्थे| प्रत्येक दिन अनि प्रत्येक भारीको निम्ति रु. २ अनुमोदन हुन्थ्यो| तर यी काजी ठेकादारहरूले रु. २ (एक) अनि १० आना आफूसितै राख्ने र दिनको ६ आना मात्र एक भारियालाई दिने गर्थे| स्मरण रहोस्, कालो भारी कुनै एउटा जाति विशेषलाई मात्र बोकाइएन| यस कुप्रथाले सम्पूर्ण सिक्किमेलाई पिरोलेको थियो|
यस कुप्रथाद्वारा जनतालाई प्रभावित पार्ने कार्यको पराकाष्ठ हामी दोस्रो विश्‍वयुद्धमा पाउँछौं| त्यसबेला हात हतियारको निर्यात चीन र तिब्बतसित गर्ने काम चरम सीमामा पुगेको थियो| यस कार्यका लागि जति माग्यो त्यति रुपियॉं अङ्ग्रेज सरकारले काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई दिएको ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरू भेटिन्छ| जसको फलस्वरूप ती निर्मम काजी ठेकादारहरूले उनीहरूका रैतीहरूलाई शोषण गर्नसम्म गरे र ती गरीबहरूको नाउँमा आएको पैसामा मौज गरे| यहॉंका सोझा अशिक्षित गाउँलेहरू हरेक दिन ठगिए, प्रत्येक दिन चुसिए तर उनीहरूको पीडामा ओखतीसम्म लाइदिन कुनै संस्था अघि आएन| जसको प्रतिफल यहॉंका किसानहरूको जीवनस्तर रात दुइ गुणा दिन चौगुणा घटेर गयो|
४. झार्लाङ्गीः
सिक्किमे समाजमा व्याप्त यस कुसंस्कारको जन्म पनि सिक्किम बृटिश सम्बन्ध स्थापित भएपछि भएको हो| सर्वविदितै छ, बेलायतको सिक्किमे राजनीतिसित केही लेन-देन थिएन तर उनीहरूको प्रभूत्व देखाउन कुनै कुनै बेला यहॉंको आन्तरिक व्यवस्थामा हस्तक्षेप हुने गर्दथ्यो| सरल भाषामा बयान गर्नुपर्दा सिक्किमको राजनैतिक व्यवस्था भारतीय अङ्ग्रेज सरकारले उनीहरूको सुविधा बमोजिम चल्ने किसिमको पारेका थिए| उनीहरूको मुख्य उद्देश्य तिब्बत अनि चीनसँगको व्यापार थियो र सिक्किम राज्यलाई उनीहरूले त्यही कार्यको निम्ति प्रयोग गरिरहेका थिए| सिक्किमलाई तिब्बतसँग जोडने मार्गको उत्खनन कार्य यिनै अङ्ग्रेजहरूले गरेका थिए| उक्त उत्खनन कार्यको निम्ति उनीहरूलाई श्रमिकहरूको आवश्यकता पर्थ्यो, यसलाई सहज ढङ्गले कार्यान्वयन गर्न अङ्ग्रेजहरूले काजी- ठेकादारहरूलाई निर्देशन दिएको हुन्थ्यो| ती अङ्ग्रेज अधिकारीहरूले यहॉंका काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई ती श्रमिकहरूको हाजिरा दिने गर्थे तर अभाग्यवश ती सोझा रैतीहरूलाई त्यो रकम काजी ठेकादारले दिँदैन थिए| बिना खान-पीन अनि बिना हाजिरा गरिने कार्यलाई पुरानो सिक्किमे समाजले झार्लाङ्गीको संज्ञा दिएका हुन्| यस प्रथाका भागीदारहरू धेरै लामो समयसम्म घरदेखि टाढा रहने गर्दथे| यस अन्तरालका निम्ति यहॉंका रैतीहरूले आफ्नो खाना-पानी, ओडने-ओछ्याउने इत्यादि वस्तुहरूको व्यवस्था आफै गर्नुपर्थ्यो| कुनै लोभी अनि निर्मम जमीनदारहरूले कुनै कुनै बेला चाहिएभन्दा बढी मान्छेहरू बोलाउँथे र उनीहरूको मेहनतको कुनै पनि हुस्सा ती श्रमिकलाई नदिई अङ्ग्रेजहरूबाट दोब्बर पैसा असुल्थे| यस प्रथाको दुःखद पक्ष के छ भने बिना पैसा सिक्किमे किसानहरू काजी जमीनदारका छोरा- छोरीका सामानहरू बोकेर कहिले दार्जीलिङ त कहिले कालेबुङ जानु पर्थ्यो| सिक्किममा त्यसबेला राम्रा पाठशालाहरू नभएका कारण काजी जमिनदारहरू आफ्ना नानीहरूलाई त्यता पढ्न पठाउँथे| तर काजी ठेकादारका छोरा- छोरीको शिक्षाको बोझ ती अशिक्षित अनि शिक्षाप्रति अनभिज्ञ किसानहरूले उठाउनु पर्थ्यो| यति मात्र होइन आफ्नो खेत-बारी बॉंझै राखेर असारमा सबैभन्दा पहिला काजी जमीनदारको जमीन खन-जोत गरी बिना पैसा खेती लगाइदिनु पर्थ्यो| कस्तो विडम्बना हो यो? त्यो किसानले आफै आफ्नो काम गर्नु पर्थ्यो, आफ्नो परिवारका लागि वर्ष दिनसम्म पुग्ने अन्न उब्जाउनु पर्थ्यो अनि कुनै पैसा बिना काजी जमीनदारको जमीनमा उन्नति गरिदिनु पर्थ्यो साथै हरेक वर्ष सरकारलाई खजना बुझाउनु पर्थ्यो| यी सबै काम गर्न कुनै तोकिएको समय भए जस्तो थाहा लाग्दैन| जति बेला काजी जमीनदारले बोलाए त्यति नै बेला ती बस्तीवालाहरू पुग्नुपर्थ्यो| केही कारणवश ढिलो भए अथवा समयमा नपुगे सारा सम्पत्ति खोसिने डर थियो| यदि कुनै किसानले काजीको आदेशलाई बेवास्ता गरे ठिँगुरोमा ठिङ्ग्र्याइन्थ्यो| काजी प्रथा र त्यसको सिक्किमे जनता माथिको प्रताडनाको विषयमा कुनै अरु बेला चर्चा गरौंला|
५. ठेकी-बेठीः
सिक्किमे छोग्यालकालीन समाजमा काजी ठेकादारहरूदेखि तल्लो खुड्किलोमा उभिने अधिकारीहरूलाई मण्डल र कारबारीको संज्ञा दिइएको थियो| केही सरकारी दस्तावेजहरूको अध्ययनबाट जानकारी पाइएअनुसार यी मण्डल र कारबारीको नियुक्ति काजी-जमीनदारबाट हुन्थ्यो| वास्तवमा यी अधिकारीहरू काजी जमीनदारहरूका विश्‍वासपात्रहरू हुँदथे| उनीहरूको भूमिका काजी- जमीनदारहरू र किसानहरूबीच मध्यस्थता कायम गर्ने अधिकारीहरूका रूपमा लिन सकिन्छ| काजी ठेकादारहरूसँगको पहुँचका कारण यिनीहरूले पनि साधारण सिक्किमेको भोक र निद्रा हरेको थाहा लाग्छ| कुनै चाड- पर्व अथवा सरकारी उत्सवका अवसरमा यी मण्डल कारबारीहरूले गाउँलेहरूलाई केही कोसेलीहरू ल्याउने आदेश दिन्थे| ती कोसेलीहरू ठेकीभित्र हालेर मण्डलकहॉं पुर्‍याइने चलन थियो|
त्यो ठेकीभित्र गाउँलेहरू मासु, दही, केरा, चिउरा, मकै, सातु, छ्याङ्ग आदि वस्तु हालेर मण्डलकहॉं पुर्‍याउँथे| यसबाहेक महाराजको जन्मदिन राजकुमारहरूको जन्मदिन हुँदा पनि यी कारबारी मण्डलहरू ठेकी बेठीको आदेश दिन्थे ती गरीब गाउँलेहरूले आफ्नो गॉंस काटेर महाराजालाई पठाएको भेटी कति महाराजको दरवारमा पुगे होलान् भन्ने विषयमा धेर गम्भीरताले नसोचे पनि हुन्छ| त्यसदेखि बाहेक बिना हाजीरमा गाउँलेहरूले काजी, जमीनदार, ठेकादार, मण्डल, कारबारी जस्ता अधिकारीहरूको जमीन खन-जोत गर्नुपर्थ्यो| यस प्रकारको श्रमलाई बेठी भनिन्थ्यो| यदि कसैले नगर्ने साहस गरे त्यसको दुर्गति गरिन्थ्यो| यस्तो सामाजिक संस्कारमा आजका सिक्किमका पूर्वजहरूले के कति कष्ट झेले होलान्? त्यो एक गम्भीरताको साथ सोच्ने विषय हो| आजको सिक्किमलाई हेदा कहीं कतै लाग्दैन, हाम्रा बाउ-बाजेहरूले यी सबै दुःख देखे अनि सहे होला भन्ने| हामी अहिलेको यो मेट्रियालिस्टिक संसारमा यस ढङ्गले हराइसक्यो कि यहॉंको वास्तविक अतीत हामीलाई दन्त्य कथाझैं लाग्छ|
६. कुरुवाः
नेपाली भाषामा कुर्नुको अर्थ एउटा लामो पर्खाइ हो| जसले धेरै समयसम्म पर्खनुपर्छ त्यसलाई कुर्नु भनिन्छ| कुरुवा शब्दको सठिक अर्थ हुन्छ रूङ्गनु, ढुक्नु या त पर्खिनु| कुरुवा मजदूरको सेवा र झार्लाङ्गी मजदूरको सेवाको प्रकार प्रायः एउटै देखिन्छ| यी कुरुवाहरू धेरै समयसम्म आफ्नो भागको सामानलाई पर्खेर बस्ने गर्थे| कुरुवा मजदूर भएर सेवा गर्न जाने गाउँलेहरूले आफू खाने र सुत्ने व्यवस्था आफै गर्नुपर्थ्यो भन्ने कुरा यस प्रथाका भुक्त भोगीहरू जानकारी दिन्छन्| पश्‍चिम सिक्किमका केही गाउँहरूबाट कुरुवासँग सम्बन्धित महत्वपूर्ण जानकारी प्राप्त गरिएको छ| त्यहॉंका बुजुर्गहरूको भनाइअनुसार काजी- जमीनदारहरूले गाउँलेहरू आफन्तको देहावसानमा जूठोमा रहेको बेलामा पनि यस कार्यका निम्ति विवश पारेको कुरा प्रष्टाउँछन्| उनीहरूको भनाइअनुसार एक कुरुवा मजदूरले बिना पैसा र बिना खाना झण्डै ४० के जीभन्दा बढी भारी गेल खोलादेखि गान्तोकसम्म लानु पर्थ्यो| कुरुवा मजदूरीका मुख्य केन्द्रहरू गेल खोला सत्ताइस माइल टिस्टा मल्ली, रम्फू आदि थिए| यी केन्द्रहरूबाट एउटा कुरुवाले झण्डै ५०-६० मायल भारी हिँडाएर लानु पर्थ्यो|
सिक्किमको यस्तो दयनीय स्थितिहरूबीच राजनैतिक सचेतताको जन्म नहुनु कुनै आश्‍चर्यजनक विषय होइन| यहॉंको तात्कालीन अर्थ व्यवस्था संसारको सबैभन्दा गरीब देशकोभन्दा राम्रो थियो भन्दा इतिहासलाई ढॉंटेको जस्तो हुन्छ| किसानहरू कुनै पनि राष्ट्रको अर्थव्यवस्थाका मेरूदण्ड हुन्| तर यस यथार्थदेखि सिक्किमका शासकवर्गहरू कोशौं टाढा रहेको देखिन्छ| उनीहरूले एउटा किसानलाई कहिले पनि मानवताको दृष्टिले हेरे जस्तो देखिँदैन| ती किसानहरू, जो हर घडी आफ्ना मालिकहरूको सेवामा बिना हाजिरा तल्लीन थिए उनीहरूलाई स्वतन्त्रताको शाब्दिक अर्थसम्म थाहा थिएन|
अशिक्षा र गरीबीका कारण उनीहरूलाई शायद सारा संसारमै यस्तै प्रचलन छ भन्ने लागेको हुँदो हो| यस्तो स्थिति जहॉं आफ्नो घर परिवारसम्मलाई सोध्नेसम्मको पनि फूर्सद छैन राजनैतिक चेतनाको सूत्रपात कहॉंबाट हुने? किनभने यो हतार चटारो एक व्यक्ति, एक घर, एक गाउँको मात्र थिएन, हरेक सिक्किमे हतारमा थियो आफ्नो घरबाट अनि खेती बाली जोगाउन| यस्तो वातावरणमा प्रत्येक सिक्किमेलाई कार्ल मार्क्स, एञ्जेलस, गान्धी र प्लेटोका दर्शन र सिद्धान्तहरूभन्दा एक गॉंस भात मूल्यवान थियो| शिक्षा केवल काजी- जमीनदारहरूबीच मात्र सीमित थियो| तर पश्‍चिमी आधुनिक शिक्षा आर्जन गरेर पनि यिनीहरूका सन्तानहरूले मानवताको पाठ साह्रै बुझे जस्तो देखिँदैन| बझुन् पनि कसरी? यिनीहरूले अभाव देखेनन्, कहिले दुःखलाई नजिकबाट चिनेनन् तर ती गरीबका भीडहरूबीच केही किसानहरूले एक छाक मात्र खाएर भएपनि आफ्ना सन्तानहरूलाई दार्जीलिङ, कालेबुङतिर लगेर पढाएको जानकारी पाइन्छ| धन्य थिए ती भोका, अर्धनग्न सिक्किमे किसानहरू जसले आफ्ना अवस्थाहरूलाई पैतालाले दबाएर आफ्ना सन्तानहरूलाई पढाए र अन्त्यमा गएर यिनै थोरै शिक्षित सिक्किमेहरूले आफ्ना शोषित किसान समाजमा राजनैतिक चेतनाको उद्घोष गराए|
निष्कर्षः
यसरी यी विविध प्रकारका शोषणबाट युगौंदेखि बहुसङ्ख्यक सिक्किमे जनगणहरू प्रताडित भएको पाइन्छ| राजतन्त्रात्मक राजनैतिक प्रणालीअन्तर्गत एकमुष्ठ सामन्ती काजी जमीनदारहरूको अन्याय- अत्यचार र चरण शोषणको प्रतिफल सिक्किमे बहुसङ्ख्यक प्रजाहरू थिचिन मिचिन विवश र बाध्य थिए| शोषणका ती विविध कुप्रथाबाट उन्मुक्त भइ न्यायसङ्गत समानतामूलक समाज स्थापना गर्न र सामन्ती शक्तिलाई चूर्ण विचूर्न र भष्मीभूत पार्न उनीहरू असक्षम थिए|
त्यसको पृष्ठभूमिमा अशिक्षा अज्ञानता र एक्यताको अभाव प्रमुख कारकतत्व थियो भने एकमुठ्ठी सचेतवर्ग पनि अल्पसङ्ख्यक हुनुको पीडाको विवशता भोग्न बाध्य थिए| तर कालान्तरमा शिक्षितवर्गको सचेतताको परिणतिस्वरूप अशिक्षितवर्गले पनि शनै-शनै सामन्तवादका ती हरेक पहलहरूलाई निर्मूलीकरण गर्ने तत्परतामा आफूलाई पनि समाहित गर्न थालेको पाइन्छ| त्यसैको प्रतिफल स्वरूप सिक्किमका विभिन्न ठाउँमा ती अत्याचारी काजी जमीनदारविरुद्ध विद्रोहको आवाज उठाउन थाले| सामान्ती व्यवस्थाबाट युगौंदेखि शोषित पीडित र सीमान्तकृत वर्गका रूपमा चिहिन्त ती विद्रोही हातहरू शोषकका तमाम पर्खालहरूलाई धुलीसात पार्न उद्धत थिए| समयान्तरमा तिनै विद्रोहका स्वरहरू राजनैतिक सचेतताको बाटोबाट हिँडेर सिक्किमको सामन्ती शोषणलाई निशाना नामेट पार्दै प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्थाको प्रत्याभूति दिन सफल भयो|

Settlement House: The lone Historical structure of Assam Lingzey

The Settlement House of Assam Lingzey
While going to Gaucharan village any individual can notice this old house. This is probably the oldest structure of Assam Lingzey. I have seen this old construction since my college days and was always keen to know more about it. Everyone in my village knows this House as Kazi Kothi and for many years, I too knew it with the same name. Few months back, while taking interview to an aged person of my village I came to know about the real name of this House.  It was earlier known as Settlement House.
Recently, with two of my students I visited this place. I was unable to meet any member of the Kazi family as they all stay at Gangtok. But, with the help of the neighbours I had been able to collect little information about the historical importance of this House. The House was constructed by a person called Gyaltshen Kazi somewhere in 1925. Build with the plank of Pippli and stone wall, the house has many unique features. To keep the stones unshaken, they were plastered by yellow mud. The most amazing part of this construction is that even after the lapse of 86 years the House seems to be a new one. The caretaker informed us that the nothing is repaired except few beams of Barendah. I was told by the villagers that the Kazi was having his landed property somewhere nearby to present day Lingzey, which he exchanged with a Mandal Kuviman Rai. While asking the lineage of this Kazi, the villagers told me that he belonged to a Thikadari Kazi family, which according to them does not belong to the genuine Kazi pedigree.
Excellent stone work   
The present owner of this House (as per the version of the villagers) is Mr. Tenzong Khangsarpa. The most important thing here is the title Khangsarpa used by the owner. This title is a very familiar one which is known to every Sikkimese due to their first Chief Minister Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa. If the villagers are true enough in their affirmation, then the person Gyaltshen Kazi must belong to the original Kazi lineage.
Few people told me that there used to be a Thinguro to punish the criminals. But, when we visited the House we did not get any germane in their statement. Possibly, it was removed after the abolition of Landlordism in Sikkim. They further informed us that the unsolved cases of the adjacent villages used to get settle at this House. Therefore, the House has got a new name of Settlement House which was alien to the native tongues of Assam Lingzey.   

Mystifying "Border Stone" of Rhenock


The Mysterious "Border Stone" -looks more like a Shiva Lingham

History of Sikkim is covered with so many mysteries that it becomes a challenging job for a student of History to differentiate between facts and fictions. Amid to the historical evidences it becomes really tough for us to reach to a conclusion about certain places due to the lack of authentic writings. Due to the lack of supportive inscriptions many important places in the past are presently not getting much attention from the modern Historians.
This is also a story of a forgotten place named Torem which possibly had once occupied an important position in our times of yore. Situated at Rhenock (a bordering town of East Sikkim that borders with West Bengal) the place has drag attention of many individuals because of a huge stone, which is said to have been erected by a Lepcha king of Damsang Gadi (Damsang Fort). The natives of the place believe that the huge stone used to be a border hedge in some unknown period.  Few local youths of Aritar Arigaon are trying to explore its historical importance and they believe that the place can be converted into historical as well as pilgrimage tourism.
Mr. Santosh Sharma a native of Torem, and my colleague informed me that many people have tried to deracinate the stone from the said place but were unable to do it due its vast entombment. Presently, the stone is three feet tall from the ground. Further, similar kinds of stones are also available at a place called Hathichede and at Kutitar. But, the huge stone of Kutitar was removed during the construction of Lingsey Simana Road (Border Road). It is said that a drilling machine took a whole day to dig up the stone. Though, the huge stone has been removed, a mysterious footprint of a yak on the side of it is still prevalent. The Hindus and the Buddhists natives of the said area worship the footprint as a holy symbol.
The so called border hedge dragged my attention because it is in the proximity of the present international border. After a walk of two hours from Torem, we can reach to a tri-junction i.e. the border of three different countries viz. Sikkim (India) Tibet (China) and Bhutan. I have been hearing many stories about it since a long time. According to a legend prevalent among the villagers of Torem, the stones were kept by the Chinese during their march towards Sikkim. It is to be mention here that the Chinese had never attempt to capture Sikkim in the past. While doing so, the Chinese had to subdue the Tibetan first than only they could proceed towards Sikkim. Further, Tibet has always regarded Sikkim as its child therefore; there is no question of Tibetan aggression to Sikkim. Above all, Bhutan has drawn my interest as it has played a vital role in the political upheavals of Sikkim in the earlier times. It is to be noted here that, there used to be a frequent raids from the Bhutanese into this part of Sikkim in the 18th century. In addition to this, Kalimpong, presently a small town in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal used to be a part of the Bhutanese. Likewise, the Bhutanese had been able to capture a major portion of Sikkimese tracts during their aggression to Sikkim in the 18th century. The history of Sikkim affirms that with the intermediation of the 6th Dalai Lama of Tibet, the Bhutanese had come for negotiation which ultimately led for the secession of the lost territory of Sikkim to its ruler Chador Namgyal. After the reconciliation, Bhutan made another invasion that led to the loss of Kalimpong and Rhenock areas of Sikkim. The Sikkimese ruler Chador Namgyal put all his efforts to expel the Bhutanese, but remained unsuccessful.
From the above evidences it seems that, to confirm their sway over these tracts of Sikkim, the Bhutanese had erected such stone hedges. But, due to its ambiguous history one cannot determine that the said stones were indisputably kept by the Bhutanese. In the lack of calligraphic substantiations the whole version of the “Border Stones” is thus encircled by the myths, legends and tales which do not bear any credibility in Historiography.
The place is now converted into a religious site 
The striking feature of the stone lying at Torem is that is it not rudimentary in nature. It is a polished stone which resembles Shiva Lingham (Phallus) of the Hindus. In the earlier days, local of Rhenock used to carry Dabai Pani (medicinal water) to sprinkle holy water to the “Border Stone” as most of them still believe it to be a sacred one. The Dabai Pani (Medicinal Water) originates at the slither area situated nearby to the mysterious stone. Presently, the so called border hedge has been converted into a religious place which is being looked after by a Sadhu Rai of Torem and is also the head priest of the site.

 The concept of keeping stone pillars has its own history in India. Even Emperor Ashoka had erected many rock pillars throughout his domain. The rock edicts of Ashoka have been incised with the morals of Dhamma and are written in Brahmi and Kharosthi scripts. But, the “Border Stone” of Rhenock does not bear any such incises.  Therefore, due to the paucity of calligraphic sources on this “Border Stone”, the responsible person or kingdom for its erection will always remain enclosed with myths and legends.


Letter of Namchi Kazi to Sikkim Durbar 1937


Education has always played a vital role for the political development of a country. But, in the erstwhile Sikkim it was a privilege enjoyed only by the super class. People belonging to the grass root level did not have any opportunity to attend a school. In every society, people began to dream for a better life only after getting closer to education.  Hence, it plays an active role in grooming the ideas of democracy inside the ignorant and slumbered minds of the common people. Possibly, the neglected education system of the erstwhile Himalayan Kingdom was highly responsible for the delay of democratic ideas among the Sikkimese peasants.
Above all, the majority of Sikkim’s population was that of peasants or ‘Bustiwallas,’ as they were known by the authorities that time, were very much innocent. The economic condition of the kingdom apart from those of the authorities, was not good than the poorest country of the world. The peasants are the backbone of every agricultural country but, the Sikkimese authorities were a mile away from this fact. They never did a mistake to see a peasant from the eye of humanity, if they did so, they knew that they would be in a great lost. The peasant, who always remained busy in serving their masters without any wage, could not imagine a world of freedom. They might have a concept that every nations of the world are moving in the same pattern as their world was moving. Therefore, they made a compromise in their lives, since many generations, to live the very same life obeying the orders of their authorities and getting betrayed from them. There was no question of education in such a situation where one loaf of bread was more valuable then the philosophies of Marx, Engel, Gandhi and Socrates. Moreover, there were no schools in the villages nor were they in the neighbouring areas. Few peasants though, had sent their children to the neighbouring state of West Bengal for their study, of course, not in a good school, but just to get educated.
Amid to a Nepali proverb Pade Gune K Kam….Halo Jotey Payo Mam (Nothing is there in reading and Writing plough the field and get food) few peasants have tried their best to set up some schools in distant villages but, their attempts went futile due to the least bothered attitude of the Kazis, the self-styled Masters of the Sikkimese peasantry. It is to be noted here that, in the midst of to the enlightened rule of its reformist ruler, Sir Tashi Namgyal, there was a hold down in opening some schools in Sikkim. Those obstacles were mainly posed by the Kazis and the Thikadars. Further, they even punished the parents for sending their children to the schools. The Kazis and the Thikadars were very much aware to the fact that if the children of a peasant get education, they would never follow their orders.  The document along with this post shows how pathetically schools in Sikkim were functioning in those days. It is a letter sent to Sikkim Durbar by the Kazi of Namchi Tashi Wangyal Lassepa which is related to the commencement of a village school at Namchi. In this letter he has referred the virtuous idea of opening a school as an attempt of the peasants to fulfill their selfish motives. The said school is presently known as Namchi Senior Secondary School which has produced many great politicians and people of extra excellence. The most important students of this school are Mr. C D Rai (A veteran Politician, who has been associated with Sikkimese politics since 1940’s) and Mr. Nar Bahadur Bhandari, the former Chief Minister of Sikkim. The School was established in 1934 with the futurist zeal of the peasants of Namchi. But, their attempts were nearly crushed by the undemocratic and dictatorial system of pre-independence Sikkim.
It is a wonder how those illiterate fathers knew the importance of education? These children of those illiterate fathers later became the Messiah to the whole peasantry of Sikkim. To get education in some good institutions was only the inherited right for the children of Kazis, Thikadars and other high officials.  They sent their children to some good schools in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Dehradun for their education. But there children too, even after getting educated in such good institutes, apart from few, never got farsighted. It was due to the innocence and illiteracy of the Sikkimese people they were always betrayed and cheated by their Kazis and Thikadars. The resolutions passed by the International Convention announcing the abolition of forced labour was never explained to them by the Zamindars and the Thikadars (L.B Basnet). Thus, in such an atmosphere to expect democratic idea among the common people in Sikkim was not less than a mirage in a desert. 
(The above references are collected from the interviews taken from various people who have witnessed   such practices prevalent in erstwhile Sikkim) 

Revenue System of Sikkim and the Royal Declaration of Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal of 7th June 1957

 The taxation system in Sikkim dates back to 1730’s. It was started after the appointment of Rabden Sarpa by the Tibetan Government as a regent to Namgyal Phuntsog (1733-1780) the Fifth ruler of Sikkim. The said regent began to collect taxes from all of the Sikkimese subjects like the Rongs, Tsongs Magars and the Bhutias. The form of taxes includes granules, maize, millet, local beer etc.
Bhutia and Lepcha version of the Declaration
The collection of taxes in the form of cash or kind was commenced in Sikkim after the advent of the Nepalese. Few tribes of this community were already residing on the western part of the Sikkimese territory which was taken over by them on their march towards Sikkim in 1789. During their endeavor, the Gurkhas annexed the territories of Sikkim up to Teesta River. For nearly 25 years, Pemayangtse and all the South and West of Teesta tract paid their rent to Nepal until, they were expelled by the British in 1815.
It was during the reign of Sidkeong Namgyal (1863-1874) the Patta for the Nepalese were issued whereby they began to possess land for the Thika or contracts. Those pattas were initially issued only for few influential Nepalese like Taksari Chandra Bir Pradhan and Lakshmi Das Pradhan. The Newar brothers began to bring bands of the Nepalese from Nepal to work at the barren lands of Sikkim as the tenants. During Sir Thotub Namgyal’s reign, few Sikkimese Kazis like Tseepa Lama settled Nepalese in Chakhung for his personal benefits. His example was soon followed by Lasso Athing, Phodang Lama and Khangsa Dewan. The only motive of those Kazis in the bringing the Nepalese into Sikkim was to fill their treasuries. They (the Kazis and the Nepali Thikadars) made a rampant taxation among those browbeaten new comers for their individual gains. Further, the Lepchas and the Bhutias were also not spare from paying taxes by them in their materialistic ventures.  
With the appointment of J C White as the Political Officer in 1889, Sikkim witnessed his self styled Zamindari System. A number of Lessee Landlords were created throughout Sikkim with untold powers to mortgage or to confiscate the lands of the innocent peasants. Further, with the help of his Sikkimese protégés Claude White board upon a policy of obliterating the ancient economy of Sikkim. This paved a way for the birth of Kaziism, Thikadari system, and all the other forced labours like Kuruwa, Kalobhari, Jharlangi, Theki-Bethi, Ghar-Lauri etc.
The accession of Sridgkyong Trulku (February 1914- December 1914) as the tenth ruler of Sikkim was indeed the enlightened epoch of the History of Sikkim. Even before his coronation, he made an order in 1913, to abolish the imprisonment as a penalty for non-payment of debts. But most unfortunately, he could not adopt a new revenue system in Sikkim due to his premature death.
The taxation system has observed a colossal change during its Reformist Ruler Sir Tashi Namgyal (1914-1963). He became active after the withdrawal of the British from India for an all round development of his Kingdom. No doubt, he made many reforms in the judiciary during the hegemony of the British. But, the task of eliminating the forced labour and taxation were done only after the departure of the Colonial Government from India. A trigonomic survey of all lands in his dominion was made and the land assessed to the peasants according to this survey. He realized doing away with the previous system of assessing rent based on approximation of the quality of seeds required for a piece of land in 1958.
The Declaration of 7th June 1957 was written in three major languages of  Independent Sikkim. 
This document pasted here with this post belongs to the same year when the Declaration was made by His Highness Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal to eliminate the previous form of revenue system. The earlier page of this document is lost but still we can get an idea about the various provisions integrated into the Declaration. This document reveals the fact that on 30th of August 1956 the Maharaja had set up a Committee about the imposition of the new lenient taxation among his subjects. Clause (3) of the Declaration has focused on the deduction of 50% of the tax from the Sikkimese Subjects. It is said in the document that while implementing such taxation system His Highness has taken two major aspects into consideration and they are- (A) The Economic condition of the Durbar (B) The arrangement of money for the constructive schemes among the Subjects. Clause No (4) of this Declaration deals with the new taxation system implemented after 1958 according to this a Nepali peasant had to pay Rs. 4 and 4 Aanas for one acre of Pani Kheti (Paddy Field). Similarly, a Bhutia or a Lepcha had to pay 3 Rs. and 6 Aanas for the same tract of land. Further, for the possession of a Sukha (dry) Land a Nepali peasant had to pay 1 Rs and 14 Annas per Acre. Likewise, a Bhutia or a Lepcha had to pay 1 Rs. and 3 Annas for an acre of Dry Land.
Thus, the history of taxation system in Sikkim has come across many monopolistic phases. Though, few attempts were made by the Sikkimese rulers to reframe the cartelistic taxation system but, their attempts went futile due to the immense pressure from the Political Officers. It was only due to the enlightened ideas of Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal; the Sikkimese peasants remained able to enjoy the relaxed taxation policy.    
The document was printed at Durbar Press Gangtok and was published by its coordinator. The stamp of a Tahsildar suggests that it was issued to the commoners by the Office of the Tehsildar. I am grateful to Mr. B.B Lohrung Rai of Namchi Kazitar for sharing this piece of information with me.