Tax Receipts of Feudal Sikkim collected at Chota Singtam

A tax receipt of 1922

A tax receipt after the abolition of Kazi and Thikadarism

Document plays a vital role for the construction of History; devoid of it, history tastes more story than a factual account. While undertaking field survey, I had been able to gather few documents related to the monarchical Sikkim which are not only rare but are atypical in their own ways. These peasant related documents are not available in any of the collections or in achieve of the State of Sikkim. The documents posted here belong to one Nar Dhoj Limboo of Rabitar Namchi, whose family was shifted to Chota Singtam in East Sikkim during pre Second World War period. These days the family of the said person is residing at the same village of Chota Singtam where Nar Dhoj Limboo found asylum against the recurrent feudal pressure. The once exiled family of Namchi has preserved many documents related to the feudal Sikkim that provide a broader space for the peasants’ history of Sikkim to dwell in. The oldest document which is maintained by the family of Mr. Harka Bahadur Limboo aka Khukurey Bajey of Chota Singtam, East Sikkim belonged to the year 1922. This document is a tax receipt paid by his father Nar Dhoj to the Mandal Kul Bahadur Chettri of Sadam Ilakha on 31^st December 1922. Likewise, one can notice such proof of payments of the subsequent years till 1936 before they got shifted to Chota Singtam. The striking features of such receipts are the utilization of personal seals of the Thikadars by the village Mandals instead of the Lal Mohur or Royal Seals. The position and status of the Thikadars and the Kazis in the feudalistic Sikkim are evident from the use of such personal Seals. The Thikadar of Sadam Ilakha used to be a Nepali, who was a Newar by caste. Therefore, their seals bear an icon of a half moon (Ardha Chandra) and Nepali remark of Shree. But, there is a gradual change in the use of such seals. In a receipt issued by Mandal Wangdu Lepcha of Sadam village to the same person on 31^st December 1932 bears mark of a rubber round seal that inscribes Moti Chand Pradhan, Turuk Ilakha Sikkim. Again, some of the receipts of the 50’s and 60’s have the earlier features.

A receipt of the membership fee of Sikkim State Congress

Tax receipt of 1933 (post World War I and Pre World War II)

The most important document maintained by Mr. Harka Bahadur Limboo is indeed the membership certificate of the Sikkim National Congress. The membership fee to the earliest peasant organization of Sikkim was made by a person named Man Bahadur Limboo, possibly, one of the brothers of Nar Dhoj Limboo. The receipt confirms that the latter made a payment of 50 Paise (Aath Anna) to secure membership of the said organization. It also bears signature of the Joint Secretary of the Sikkim State Congress (probably of Namchi District) Mr. Kali Prasad Rai. Further, many receipts of Kuts and Adhia methods of revenue assessment are also preserved by him.

The information about the family of Nar Dhoj Limboo and the documents were acquired during field survey on 21st January 2012

Brihaspati Parsai- The Peasant Leader of Sikkim

Late Brihaspati Parsai addressing peasants at Rangpo during Satyagraha

Late Brihaspati Parsai a.k.a Parsai Bajey was born on 30^th June 1899 at Karkaley Pipaley village of Mechi district of Nepal. At the age of seven he lost his father Tikaram Parsai and two of his brothers due to chickenpox. In frustration, his mother decided to leave their original place and took 10 years old Brihaspati to the plains of Jhapa in Nepal. There young Brihaspati lost his mother due to malaria and became a total orphan. After hiding the corpse of his mother at a forest at a place called Chandragadi in Jhapa district, the young lad moved further east and reached Silagadi (now the place is known as Siliguri). He stayed at Silagadi for a year and thought of entering Sikkim. Coincidentally, he met a bullock carts’ caravan moving towards Sikkim and by pursuing it he reached lower Martam (32 Number the place is also called Middle Camp). It was at Martam the orphan met Chandrasingh Bhansari a Thikadar (Contractor) of Martam Estate who took him home and gave him the task of shepherd. Impressed by his truthfulness and diligence, the Thikadar gave one of his daughters Chulmaya in marriage to Brihaspati. After his marriage he bought a piece of land at Namli, a village near Ranipool and began to live a life of a householder.

Late Parsai (sitting) with L.D Kazi (Right to him)

After the conclusion of First World War Sikkimese peasants also began to witness little development in their Kingdom. It was during this period the construction of auto able road from Siliguri to Gangtok commenced which is now known as NH 31 A. Brihaspati also began to work as a coolie in the construction process, and then he became a supervisor and finally a contractor. He was a founder member of Sikkim State Congress and also an educational enthusiast who had played a vital role for the foundation of Ranipool School at Ghattey Hill. His contributions and efforts for the foundation of said school will soon be updated in the blog. After the formation of Sikkim State Congress on 7^th December 1947 late Parsai unconditionally threw him in politics. He became the Publicity Secretary of the newly founded Sikkim State Congress and began to raise his voice against the vices of feudalism like Kalobhari, Jharlangi, Theki Bethi, Kuruwa and Ghar-Lauri. In the beginning, the Central Office of Sikkim State Congress was raised at Rangpo. Due to his witty and mocking speech against the exploitation he was arrested during Satyagraha of 1949 at Rangpo and was put behind the bars for 62 days.

Parsai leading a procession at Singtam in 1961

Late Parsai played a vital role for the elimination of parity system from Sikkim. During agitation of 1973, he led a procession to the Sikkim Palace which was thence asking for one man one vote. The Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal coming out of the palace questioned late Parsai “What do you want?” He answered “We want the King, we do not want the Councillors, and we need Ministry, not one man six votes but one man one vote”. It is to be noted here that the greatest cause for dissatisfaction of the peasants during the agitation of 1973 was the notorious Parity System in Sikkim.

People gathered at Alley Ground Namchi to listened to Late Parsai

During my field work I got an opportunity to meet one of his sons Mr. N. B Parsai an ex- teacher who also has a greater involvement for the development of Ghattey Hill School. He has informed me that his father was a person who always believed in the theory of Karma enunciated by the Upanishads. It is because of this philosophy of Upanishad he had been able to contribute a greater part of his life for the liberation of the Sikkimese subjects from the clutches of Kazism and Thikadarism. Many of his contemporaries have informed me that he was a brawny politician who used to speak as if he has nothing to loose in this world. Most of such contemporaries were inspired by his flamboyant speech consequently they joined late Parsai to uproot the evils of forced labour from Sikkim.  This stalwart of Sikkimese politics died at the age of 80 on the evening of 9^th June 1979 at his residence at Namli in East Sikkim. 

Feudal Judicial System of Sikkim- A Brief Review

Like any other feudalistic arrangements, the judicial system of Sikkim has a history of its own. The King though, enjoyed a highest position in the feudalistic set up, could not execute his judicial obligations properly as he was surrounded by the then “Elites”, the Kazis, who were the de-facto arbitrators of their Ellakas. They could tax, confiscate, mortgage and sometimes seized the lands of peasants into Home Farm, the Private land holdings of the Kazis.   In short, the Kazis were the fountainhead of justice in feudalistic Sikkim and it is because of such “Lawless Law” the ordinary peasants were compelled live a combatant’s life.

Sikkim’s contacts with the British Indian Government had even worsened the existing judicial system of Sikkim. Available testimonials highlight that in 1909, the Kazis, Thikadars and Lamas were invested with legal powers by a State Council Resolution. They could try Civil Suits up to the valuation of Rs. 500/-. The State Council Resolution of 1909 had thus given an overwhelming power to the state machinery (Kazis, Mandals, Mukhtiyars, Karbaris) to exploit the common people, especially the peasants in the name of legal action. It is to be mentioned here that the formation of “British Styled” State Council used to have the British Political Officer as its President. After the establishment of the said Council, the Sikkimese Kings were kept behind curtail and the British Political Officer began to take decisions, enact Laws and to rule the Kingdom with the assistance of pro-British Kazis like Phodang Lama, Khangsa Dewan and Shoe Dewan and so on. The Kings whosoever tried to oppose the new set up either were sent to prison (Maharaja Thotub Namgyal) or were given mysterious death (Maharaja Sridkyong Trulku). Before the establishment of High Court at Gangtok, administration of justice in Sikkim was being carried out by the Feudal Landlords (Adda Courts), Dzongpens (District Officers). Pipons (Headmen) and Mandals with the Chogyal at the top.  All the important judgments were given at the Adda Courts and at the Settlement Houses by the Feudal Officials and used to give inhuman punishments of Thinguro placed at the Kazi’s House. These Thinguros were made up of wooden planks, the culprit had to put his legs inside the hole of the Thinguro, after doing it, the mouth of the Thinguro was tighten by a rod or an iron, thus, leaving the culprit standing with utter pain. He could not sit as the wood was tightened on his knees, therefore he did not have other alternatives than to cry in the dark prison of the Kazi. Further, he was not given a single drop of water for three four days, after the Kazi got satisfied from the punishment, finally he was granted pardon.

In 1916, Appellate Courts by the designation of Chief Court was created with jurisdiction to try important original suits and also to hear appeals against the decisions of the Adda Courts. But, from the study it reveals that there were very few cases of appealing against the decision of the Adda Courts due to the threat of havoc from the Kazis and Mukhtiyars. This Court also exercised supervisory and appellate jurisdiction over the Adda Courts. The Chief Court was not the final Court. The appeal against the decision of the Chief Court would lie to the Supreme Court of His Highness, the Maharaja. The Court of the Maharaja was the final Court of appeal in the State. It has no original jurisdiction. A Board on the lines of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in England would hear the parties and scrutinize the evidence regarding merit of the case and then tender its opinion to the Maharaja. (From the compilation of Hon’ble Shree A.P Subba, Former Judge High Court of Sikkim)
 In 1949, the Adda Courts were abolished on the recommendation of the Judicial Proposal Committee. The State was divided into 4 (four) revenue Districts and Magistrates were appointed in District with original and appellate jurisdiction on the criminal and civil side. The Courts of the Assistant Magistrate and the Court of Tahsildars were created. In the lowest rung, a few Honorary Courts of Magistrates were created to dispose of petty criminal and civil cases. The Chief Magistrate had both original and appellate jurisdiction on civil and criminal sides. He had unlimited powers (From the compilation of Hon’ble Shree A.P Subba, Former Judge High Court of Sikkim). 

The independence of India breeds a new hope of liberty inside the minds of the peasants of Sikkim. They too began to organise themselves in a larger manner for their rights and liberties. Due to pressure made by Sikkim State Congress, all the forced labours were wiped out by the reformist Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal in 1948. Further, the overwhelming powers enjoyed by the Kazis and his Officials were also restrained, indicating a new aeon in the history of Judiciary of Sikkim. From the available records it appears that in 1953, a Judge of the High Court of Sikkim was appointed but in 1955, High Court of Judicature (Jurisdiction and Powers) Proclamation, 1955 was issued establishing a High Court in Sikkim. The High Court thus established was made the final Court in all judicial matters, civil or criminal, subject to the exercise of prerogative by the Maharaja to grant mercy, pardon, remission, commutation and reduction of sentence in case of conviction. The Maharaja had also retained his prerogative to set up a Special Tribunal for the review of any case, civil or criminal. 

After becoming the 22nd State of India under Clause (i) of Article 371F, the High Court functioning immediately prior to the date of merger became the High Court for the State of Sikkim under the Constitution like any other High Court in the country. Under Clause (i) of the same Article all Courts of Civil, Criminal and Revenue Jurisdiction, all Authorities and all Officers, Judicial, Executive and Ministerial throughout Sikkim were to continue to exercise their respective powers subject to the provisions of the Constitution and under Clause (k) all laws in force immediately before the appointed day in Sikkim were to continue to be in force until amended or repealed by a competent legislature or other competent authority. 

Settlement House: The lone Historical structure of Assam Lingzey

The Settlement House of Assam Lingzey

While going to Gaucharan village any individual can notice this old house. This is probably the oldest structure of Assam Lingzey. I have seen this old construction since my college days and was always keen to know more about it. Everyone in my village knows this House as Kazi Kothi and for many years, I too knew it with the same name. Few months back, while taking interview to an aged person of my village I came to know about the real name of this House.  It was earlier known as Settlement House.

Recently, with two of my students I visited this place. I was unable to meet any member of the Kazi family as they all stay at Gangtok. But, with the help of the neighbours I had been able to collect little information about the historical importance of this House. The House was constructed by a person called Gyaltshen Kazi somewhere in 1925. Build with the plank of Pippli and stone wall, the house has many unique features. To keep the stones unshaken, they were plastered by yellow mud. The most amazing part of this construction is that even after the lapse of 86 years the House seems to be a new one. The caretaker informed us that the nothing is repaired except few beams of Barendah. I was told by the villagers that the Kazi was having his landed property somewhere nearby to present day Lingzey, which he exchanged with a Mandal Kuviman Rai. While asking the lineage of this Kazi, the villagers told me that he belonged to a Thikadari Kazi family, which according to them does not belong to the genuine Kazi pedigree.

Excellent stone work   

The present owner of this House (as per the version of the villagers) is Mr. Tenzong Khangsarpa. The most important thing here is the title Khangsarpa used by the owner. This title is a very familiar one which is known to every Sikkimese due to their first Chief Minister Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa. If the villagers are true enough in their affirmation, then the person Gyaltshen Kazi must belong to the original Kazi lineage.

Few people told me that there used to be a Thinguro to punish the criminals. But, when we visited the House we did not get any germane in their statement. Possibly, it was removed after the abolition of Landlordism in Sikkim. They further informed us that the unsolved cases of the adjacent villages used to get settle at this House. Therefore, the House has got a new name of Settlement House which was alien to the native tongues of Assam Lingzey.   

Letter of Namchi Kazi to Sikkim Durbar 1937

Education has always played a vital role for the political development of a country. But, in the erstwhile Sikkim it was a privilege enjoyed only by the super class. People belonging to the grass root level did not have any opportunity to attend a school. In every society, people began to dream for a better life only after getting closer to education.  Hence, it plays an active role in grooming the ideas of democracy inside the ignorant and slumbered minds of the common people. Possibly, the neglected education system of the erstwhile Himalayan Kingdom was highly responsible for the delay of democratic ideas among the Sikkimese peasants.

Above all, the majority of Sikkim’s population was that of peasants or ‘Bustiwallas,’ as they were known by the authorities that time, were very much innocent. The economic condition of the kingdom apart from those of the authorities, was not good than the poorest country of the world. The peasants are the backbone of every agricultural country but, the Sikkimese authorities were a mile away from this fact. They never did a mistake to see a peasant from the eye of humanity, if they did so, they knew that they would be in a great lost. The peasant, who always remained busy in serving their masters without any wage, could not imagine a world of freedom. They might have a concept that every nations of the world are moving in the same pattern as their world was moving. Therefore, they made a compromise in their lives, since many generations, to live the very same life obeying the orders of their authorities and getting betrayed from them. There was no question of education in such a situation where one loaf of bread was more valuable then the philosophies of Marx, Engel, Gandhi and Socrates. Moreover, there were no schools in the villages nor were they in the neighbouring areas. Few peasants though, had sent their children to the neighbouring state of West Bengal for their study, of course, not in a good school, but just to get educated.

Amid to a Nepali proverb Pade Gune K Kam….Halo Jotey Payo Mam (Nothing is there in reading and Writing plough the field and get food) few peasants have tried their best to set up some schools in distant villages but, their attempts went futile due to the least bothered attitude of the Kazis, the self-styled Masters of the Sikkimese peasantry. It is to be noted here that, in the midst of to the enlightened rule of its reformist ruler, Sir Tashi Namgyal, there was a hold down in opening some schools in Sikkim. Those obstacles were mainly posed by the Kazis and the Thikadars. Further, they even punished the parents for sending their children to the schools. The Kazis and the Thikadars were very much aware to the fact that if the children of a peasant get education, they would never follow their orders.  The document along with this post shows how pathetically schools in Sikkim were functioning in those days. It is a letter sent to Sikkim Durbar by the Kazi of Namchi Tashi Wangyal Lassepa which is related to the commencement of a village school at Namchi. In this letter he has referred the virtuous idea of opening a school as an attempt of the peasants to fulfill their selfish motives. The said school is presently known as Namchi Senior Secondary School which has produced many great politicians and people of extra excellence. The most important students of this school are Mr. C D Rai (A veteran Politician, who has been associated with Sikkimese politics since 1940’s) and Mr. Nar Bahadur Bhandari, the former Chief Minister of Sikkim. The School was established in 1934 with the futurist zeal of the peasants of Namchi. But, their attempts were nearly crushed by the undemocratic and dictatorial system of pre-independence Sikkim.

It is a wonder how those illiterate fathers knew the importance of education? These children of those illiterate fathers later became the Messiah to the whole peasantry of Sikkim. To get education in some good institutions was only the inherited right for the children of Kazis, Thikadars and other high officials.  They sent their children to some good schools in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Dehradun for their education. But there children too, even after getting educated in such good institutes, apart from few, never got farsighted. It was due to the innocence and illiteracy of the Sikkimese people they were always betrayed and cheated by their Kazis and Thikadars. The resolutions passed by the International Convention announcing the abolition of forced labour was never explained to them by the Zamindars and the Thikadars (L.B Basnet). Thus, in such an atmosphere to expect democratic idea among the common people in Sikkim was not less than a mirage in a desert. 

(The above references are collected from the interviews taken from various people who have witnessed   such practices prevalent in erstwhile Sikkim) 

A Land Deed of Pathing 1904

The Deed of 1904 

 Documents are the ladders from where we can chirp our yester years with a closer analysis. It not only gives us information about our past but also drags the pen of a Historian towards the facts. It is only with the help of the old papers one can differentiate between facts and fictions which is an important ingredient to reach to a conclusion of the murky precedent. The document which I have secured from my teacher Mr. Keshav Gautam is related to a land agreement that belongs to a place called Pathing. Due to the lack of proper address in the document, one cannot assert whether the said Pathing is of East Sikkim or some other Pathing(s) which are strewn in different parts of our State. But, it is interesting to know that apart from the Royal Decrees passed by the Royal Courts, a small number of commoners in Sikkim even used to have their own seal. In this document a private Seal Shree Kali has been used and it is a common concurrence between two people of the same village that was related to the sale of land. It is also exciting to know from this document that without the help of a mediator (like Kazi, Mandal, Mukhtiyar etc.) the agreement was made.  

The English translation of the Document is as under:-

I Kashinath, a resident of Pathing, am selling my Land and orchard along with my house to Dev Sharma Upadhyay Khatiwara of the same village. I have received Rs. 33 from him as the cost of the land and house. I have put my signature in this agreement at my own wish. The Signatures of other three people during the agreement Parmananda Upadhyay, Purnananda Upadhyay Dahal, Hiralal Upadhyay Adhikari.

Signature- Kashinath Upadhyay Khatiwara

Samvat 1961 Date 9^th Pausha Roj (week) 2

Subham

1904 AD 15^th January.

The agreement was made between two Brahmins of Pathing and therefore, the initial of the document is started with two Sanskrit words SHREE i.e. in the honour of us and LIKHITAM i.e. we are writing. As stated above, for the credibility of the document a private Seal Shree Kali has been used. From the use of such private Seal it becomes clear that the selling of private land was also made in a mutual trust. Possibly, in order to keep themselves away from any future misunderstandings, they might use the Seal that bears name of some Gods and Goddesses. In this case, the persons involved in the agreement have used the Seal of Goddess Kali, who is regarded as the Goddess of anger and destroyer of the foes in Hindu mythology.

The Old Document in my Handwriting (one can notice the variation  of script  between the Old  and  New)

The Agreement is of Nine Lines (including Signatures and Date) and the only confusing thing about it is its date. To convert the Vikram Samvat era into AD we need to deduct 57 years from the existing Year mentioned in the Vikram Samavat. While adopting the same procedure, it is quite puzzling here to determine that it was signed in January 1904 AD.  If we have to accept the Vikram Samvat Paush 9^th 1963 as the date of agreement then it should be December 15^th 1903. But, we can consider the date on the ground that the agreement was made between the peasants who were not well acquainted with the English Date and Year.  

Lease Deed between Pathing Kazi Thondok and a Nepali Kazi Nandalall Upadhyay 1886

Documents are the small openings from where we can peep our former times with a closer comportment. It is indeed a greatest wealth to a lover of history and a fountain of information for the person who all are trying to restructure our past with a new stance. The key reason for the obscurity of the history of Sikkim before 1640 A D is due to the lack of historical documents. It is a universal fact that the foundation of History is based on the evidences. But, unfortunately due to the lack of such materials our history before 1640 A D has to hobble on the way towards its reconstruction.

To be in proximity of the old documents have now become a hobby for me. I love the contents inside which not only provides me information but also makes me to feel as a part of the times of yore. We have many documents which are scatter around all the nooks and bends of Sikkim. I am thankful to Mr. Keshav Gautam (My teacher during my Graduation days and presently a great friend) for sharing this incredible document with me. It dates back to Vikrama Samavat 1943 i.e. 1886 A.D which is a Deed for a land lease to the Kazi of Pathing named Thondok by a person (probably a Nepali Kazi) called Nandalall Upadhyay.

The document is related to the leasing of an estate to the said Kazi by Nandalall Upadhyay. The estate which was rented to the Pathing Kazi is situated presently in the North Bengal region of the Indian State of West Bengal. Written in old Nepali language the document has 14 lines. On the top of the document Maharaja 1 and Sarkar 2 is written which is later used in core of the document to designate them.  It bears a Nepali seal on the left corner and after the accomplishment of the deed it has another Seal which seems to have been the similar one. An abstract of this document is as under:-

Greetings to the Kazi of Pathing Thondok……

“I have four forts North of Vardhaman River, East of Rangapani south of the Taklapani (???) River and West of Sintila you can set up villages of the Paharias wherever you find arable lands. You should cultivate the fields with your own cannel not from the existing one, wherever it is possible you should tell your settlers to terrace the lands. For three years you should not pay any rent to me but, from the fourth year you should pay me rent as 8 Muri (1 Muri is equal to 80 Kg) for 100 Muri as well as Rs. 1 as house rent from every house holders.  All the Paharias who belong to Char Jaat Chattish Varna, among them, whosoever comes should be given land for cultivation; they will be staying there according to their Dharma. If some disputes arise you have to settle them according to the customary rights prevalent among the territory of Shree 1. Further, if a Paharia stays at a house abandoned by a Bhutia, the fruits in his orchard like banana, orange can be picked by the latter. The Brahmins should be exempted from carrying loads; they should execute their religious duties and pay the taxes to Shree 2. The Paharias should not sell their cattle to the Bhutias. If certain disputes arise between them they should be brought to the Kuccheri (Court). We are granting you the freedom of practicing your own religion. Our people will never disturb you in practicing your beliefs”.

Nandalall Upadhyay Brahman along with the Mukhtiyars, Mandals of our four forts

Ashwin 10 Roj 5 1943 Vikrama Samavat

This document is an evidence to say that although the British had taken these regions from the Nepalese in 1816 (Segauli Treaty) many of such estates were still possessed by the politically connected Nepalese. Politically the region beyond Teesta which includes both the Hill and the plains of the erstwhile Sikkim were taken by the British East India Company with an agreement. But, the present document reveals the fact that few influential personalities of the neighbouring countries could even possess landed property in the Company Territories as a personal Zagir.  

The Kazis of Sikkim

The division of the kingdom into several Dzongs or districts was prevalent from the early years of the Namgyal dynasty. The country was divided into Dzongs for the administrative convenience of the ruler. The territory of the kingdom in the initial years of the Tibetan Rule was a large one. Therefore, for the administration of the Tibetan Dominion of Sikkim, the kingdom was divided into several districts and the Lepcha Dzongpens or the Governors were given the charge of their respective areas. But, the kingdom had lost its territories to the Nepal, Bhutan, to the East India Company and to Tibet. Therefore, by now the total area of Sikkim was not more than the area of present Sikkim. Even in such a small area, the Dzongpens or the Governors were still enjoying their privileges which they had inherited from their forefathers. As time rolled on, the same Lepcha Dzongpens became the Kazis. (The term Kazi might have been borrowed from neighbouring Indian Muslim state or from Nepal). Their matrimonial relations with the Tibetan nobility made them to hide their origin as the Tibetans considered the Lepchas as the low-born people. With the arrival of the British, these Kazis, because of their money and power which they imitated from the British, became more rigid and rude towards their own people. The Kazis before their contacts with the British were not cunning enough as they lived in a kingdom which was secluded and unknown to the outside world.

Regarding the privileges and positions of the Kazis and Thikadars, a pamphlet ‘A Few Facts About Sikkim’, published by Tashi Tshering in 1947, a pioneer of democratic movement in Sikkim comments thus:-

“The Kazis, who are the landlords, claim to belong to the old nobility and compare themselves with the barons of the feudal system. By long usage they have accustomed to oppress the people and to expect the utmost subservience from them. They form the exclusive and influential coterie around the ruling family and are able to impose their will on all and sundry. The rest of the land lords  called ‘Thikadars’, are content to play second fiddle to the Kazis and thus share in the loaves and fishes of office and other privileges. Bound by a common policy to oppress the ryots, the ‘Thikadars’ especially the more influential among them, have proved as bad as any of the  Kazis. Landlordism as obtaining in Sikkim has proved the curse of the ryots. It has enabled the landlords through coercion and intimidation, to acquire for themselves the best holdings of the ryots. The landlords pay no taxes, which consequently fall with greater severity upon the ryots. On the other hand, the landlords receive large unearned commission from the state as reward for carrying on a thoroughly corrupt system of government”.

Regarding the power and functions enjoyed by the Kazis, the pamphlet further states as under:-

“The landlords are vested with magisterial powers in both civil and criminal matters. They are also empowered to register documents for the sale or transferred of landed properties. There are no effective checks on these powers and the landlords are free to abuse them for their own gains. The more fine a landlord can impose, the larger his share of spoils, for he receives one half of the collection as his fees and the other halves goes to the state. When as has happened many times, a landlord ‘forgets’ to enter a fine in his books, nobody is wiser, and he appropriates the whole amount to himself. A grabbing landlord has no difficulties in disposing an uncompromising ryot of his cherished possession, be it a paddy field or a herd of cattle. The slightest delay in the payment of taxes, a matter of common occurrence, enables a landlord to seize the very property of he has set his eyes upon, to the exclusion of any other, and thus transfer is affected speedily and very profitably to the land lord. Numerous ryots have thus been reduced to penury and practical slavery. Landlords are invested with different classes of legal powers with due regard to their merits and qualifications. But, most of the landlords live away from their estates and their powers are exercised by ignorant and rapacious underlings who have no scruples about filling their own pockets besides extracting as much as they can for their masters” 

(About the Picture:- This is a studio picture of an unknown Kazi of Sikkim probably taken in the 80's of the 19th century. Picture Source http://oldindianphotos.blogspot.com)

Kalo Bhari

The evolution of this practice was started in Sikkim after the latter’s contact with the British. Due to the lack of historical documents it is not possible to ascertain that since when the system was applied to the Sikkimese peasants. The literary meaning of the term Kalo Bhari in Nepali is Black Load. The British sold arms and ammunitions to Tibet. The terrain and the inclement weather condition made the trading difficult. The commodities to save them from rain and snow were wrapped in card boards and put inside gunny bags bedaubed with tar. The tar protected the commodities from out side rain, and it also hid the commodities within. The black colour gave the load its local name Kalo Bhari or black load. Besides using these as a means to transporting arms and ammunitions, they also used to transport viands necessary for British staying at Latung of Chumbi valley. On their way back they were loaded with gold dust, which came to Sikkim from there it was transported to the British territory of Bengal.
Many people of Sikkim who carried Kalo Bhari believe that apart from the arms and ammunitions, some time they also had to carry items of daily use like shoes, jackets, woolen blankets etc. for the British officials who were serving in the Sikkim-Tibet border. Some time it used to come in a large quantity and the peasants of three or four villages had to go to carry them from the centers where they were order to go. The peasants of East, West and South districts of the kingdom were greatly suffered by the system of Kalo Bhari due to their proximity to the border. The East district borders Tibet, similarly the West and South are nearby to the Indian state of West Bengal. The loads of commodities of daily use were also wrapped in the same manner as the ammunitions were wrapped. A peasant who had a good relation with the Kazi- Thikadar in some cases got exempted from carrying the load. But, for the others, the orders of their Kazi were some thing not less than a Decree of God. They had to reach to their center in time. The result of disobedience of the Kazi’s order was the confiscation of the private property, injustices while depositing their land tax, imposition of double taxes etc. The people of West Sikkim had to go up to Darjeeling to carry their loads, similarly, the peasants of South Sikkim had to go up to Teesta and sometimes up to Geil Khola which was then connected with railways. Likewise, the people of East Sikkim had to come down up to Rangpo a bordering town with British India. To carry their transport, porters were fixed by the British depending on Kazi- Thikadars. For the transport of each bag paid Rs.2/- per labour per day had to be paid. But, the Kazis and Thikadars kept the whole amount themselves or Rs.1/- and 10 Annas and used to pass 6 Annas per day to the labourer. The contractors never used to pay the whole amount to the labourers rather they forced them to carry the load through the difficult Tibetan terrain during the lashes of rain, thunder, sleet and snow. It has to be mentioned here that there was no specific ethnic group which had to carry Kalo Bhari compulsorily. The Bhutias, with few exceptional cases, and the Lepchas were also equally suffered with the system. There are some references given by few scholars that the Nepali peasants were the major victims of the system. They may be true in their perception and one cannot ignore the fact that Nepalese were greatly targeted under such practices. But, another factor about the greater number of the Nepali peasants among the porters was that, they constituted 75% of the total population and it is obvious that among the sufferers their number was large. Therefore, apart from few unjust cases, the other cases were not the intentional one as justified by other scholars, but it was a rule of the Kazi-Thikadars which was to be followed by every one, it did not matter on which community a peasant belonged to.
The exploitation of the Sikkimese population reached its highest watermark during the last phase of the Second World War. During the time, huge quantities of these loads were transported overland to China via Tibet. Such was the demand for transport for this purpose that the wages offered reached unprecedented heights. The cupidity of the landlords rose in unison and they stooped to swindling. They falsely requisitioned forced labour on the authority of the state to carry these loads. A large number of these loads belonged to private concerns which transported them to Tibet in collusion with the landlords. So high was the profit on the goods that these business concerns offered four or five times the wages prescribed for forced labour. The land lords charged the private concerns the highest rates, paid the ryots the prescribed rates and pocketed the rests. Such sinister acts could not be hided for long time. When the victims learnt about it they approached to the authorities. As the culprits were all ‘high born’ Kazis, the matter was hushed up, and the aggrieved ryots were sent away with the facial advice to ‘let bygones be bygones and to forgive and forget’.