Showing posts with label feudalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label feudalism. Show all posts

The political void of early 60’s and letter of Late Kazini Eliza Maria to Late Brihaspati Parsai

The early 60’s of the last century can be considered as the concluding segment of the tug of war that was prevalent between the political parties of Sikkim and the Sikkim Durbar. It can be articulated that, the period had accurately witnessed “King can do no wrong” as far as the Sikkimese administration was concerned. The Executive Councillors had served for seven years without any break. However, as per the provision, there had to be an election in 1962; but, was postponed for an indefinite period due to the “Chinese encroachments”. From the study it appears that, there was no political party except the Sikkim National Congress of Kazi Lhendup Dorjee which repeatedly clamoured for the political reforms. The political situation of the erstwhile Himalayan Kingdom was thence standing on the edge which is evident from the reports of Kanchenjunga. The monthly Nepali news based journal states:

“…The Chogyal had in accordance to the advice rendered by different political parties, said that political reforms will be carried out or else like 1958’s law of election will be conducted....while looking at the demands of the political parties, all the parties are unanimous in one matter of election which was to be conducted in 1961 and was not be postponed further.....but, when it comes to the formation of the Council, rules regulating election, administration etc., the parties are not unanimous. If the ruler and the different parties do not listen to each other this critical situation will definitely harm the multi-faceted progress of the country” [i]


Though, Kanchenjunga [ii] blamed Sikkim National Congress along with other political parties for maintaining silence against the introduction of reservation on the basis of caste and race, it appears that, the Sikkim National Congress had made some clatters. But, as usual their opposition went unheard as the other two parties namely Sikkim National Party and Sikkim State Congress remained hushed and muted and were busy in proving them as  good and obedient parties to the Durbar.

The photograph attached with this post is a letter from Kazini Eliza Maria of Chakhung to late Mr. Brihaspati Parsai of Namli village East Sikkim. The latter was one of the founding members of Sikkim State Congress founded in December 1947 with a purpose of liquidating feudalism from the very root of Sikkim. It is evident from the letter that late Brihaspati Parsai had invited the Kazi couple for the marriage of their son to his residence at Namli village. However, the Kazini was unable to make her presence with her husband due to ‘ridiculous attitude of Sikkim Durbar’. It is interesting to note that the letter was dispatched from Chakhung House Kalimpong; the unofficial headquarter of Sikkim National Congress. It indicates that the entry of the Kazi couple to Sikkim was banned at that juncture for some unknown reasons and she is hopeful to meet her relations in Sikkim after the riddance of “nonsense”.  

I am quite sure that the Kazi couple was not allowed in getting into Sikkim after the publication of Bulletin No.2 of 26th January 1972 through which the Sikkim National Congress had a mocking criticism against the Chogyal and the Sikkimese administration. A line published in Bulletin No.2 of the Sikkim National Congress says:

“It should always be borne in mind that there can be no King without people, but conversely there are many countries today which have people without Kings”.[iii]
 
Document acquired from Mr. N.B. Parsai of Namin village East Sikkim
The line quoted above from Bulletin No. 2 was more than adequate to get exiled in a monarchical set up. However, it materializes that the earlier banishment, indicated in this letter was certainly for raising the voices of the majority, where the Kazi probably was reluctant to accept the Durbar diversion of “divide and rule”. Probably he could sniff the tang of prejudice in the approaches of the palace and remained unbending with his democratic ethos and in all probabilities his democratic values were responsible for ‘ridiculous attitude of Sikkim Durbar’.





[i] Kanchenjunga, Vol.6 No.26 15th November 1965 Editorial page of the Journal
[ii] Kanchenjunga  Vol.6, No.9 15th January 1966 pp120-121
[iii] Kazi, L.D. Sikkim at the Crossroads’, (A Party Bulletin) Published by Sikkim National Congress, Bulletin No.2/1972, 26th January 1972, Gangtok p2

Mandals as the boosters of peasants' resistance in Feudal Sikkim


The Mandals or the village heads played a vital role in igniting the idea of resistance among the slumbered conscience of the Sikkimese peasantry. They were appointed by the Kazis or in some cases by the Mukhtiyars. Their machinery role was to work as a village headman and to collect taxes from the peasants of their respective villages. A peasant had to deposit his taxes in time, which included house tax and land tax known as Dhurikhajana and Jamin Khajana. If he fails to pay his taxes on time, he would be given a chance to pay his taxes the following year. But, during his payment the peasant had to pay his tax with a huge interest.However, some provisions were maintained by the Kingdom to rebate interests of the past year’s dues if a peasant made a full payment to his landlord. 25% of reimbursements were to be made by the landlords to the peasants. But, it appears that the feudal officials never implemented these provisions in a sincere manner. The Mandals had to issue a receipt confirming the payment of land tax and house tax to the peasant. Counterfoils of such receipts would be recorded in a register of demand and collection.
 Document written with pen is a tax receipt of the year 1929 of Late Ravilal Pyakurel of Tareythang Busty East Sikkim, Date of payment of Jaminkhazana 8th March 1930. Document written with pencil is tax receipt of Late Man Bahadur Limboo of Rabitar Namchi, Date of payment of Zamin Khajana 29th December 1941. Both the documents bear signatures of their respective Mandals.
Such receipts were mostly written with pencils which bore the Mandal’s signature. If the Mandal had any grudge against the peasants, they would issue a wrong receipt taking advantage of the illiteracy of the latter.This would lead to a big trouble for the peasants as whatever they earned had to be deposited as land tax. More pathetically, if the amount of tax happened to be registered wrongly, they had no option to appeal. There were several such cases in the various villages of feudalistic Sikkim. A Mandal named Chatur Singh Rai of Assam Lingzey had made such false entry against one Dal Dhoj Rai of his village. The victim made an appeal to Gyaltsen Kazi, the landlord of his village but his appeal remained unheard to the authority. In frustration, the victim openly challenged his Mandal during a feast at the village for this act of “disobedience” Dal Dhoj Rai had to pay Rs. 25/- as fine to the Mandal. Keeping aside the outcome of the outburst of anger, it is now evident that the hidden transcript of the Sikkimese peasantry was taking a shape of a full throated expression.
The Mandals also had the litigation rights and were appointed to provide justice to the needy in the village. But, most of the peasants today believe that their verdict was not satisfying for them as most of the Mandals spoke languages of the higher officials. A notice issued by a Mandal Brihaspati Upadhyay of Tareythang village in East Sikkim to one peasant Late Ravilal Pyakurel affirms this. Written in an intimidating language, the notice asks the latter to be present on 20th December 1945 at Danak Adda court without fail. However, few cases related to land and taxation of the villagers was forwarded to the Durbar by the Mandals through written complaints.
Notice issued by a Mandal Brihaspati Upadhyay of Tareythang village to one of his villagers Late Ravilal Pyakurel on 18th December 1945 against a report made by another villager Sarvey Bidhyapati Kafley stating that the accused had chopped off a tree.
Due to their proximity to power, these Mandals also exploited the Sikkimese peasants in the same manner as by the Kazis and the Thikadars. It has been revealed by the victims and the descendents of such victims that commoners were heavily exploited by the Mandals especially during special occasions in the palace like the birthdays of Kings and the Princes. During such occasions, these Mandals ordered the peasants to offer some kind of gifts to them which they would give to the Kazis as a memento from the peasants of their respective villages. The peasant had to gift rice, maize, butter, curd, wine and in some cases meat, fish, and other valuable edibles. Yearly collection of such gifts was made during Meshu Purnima in the month of Bhadra (July-August) also known as Bhadau Purnima in Nepali.
Apart from such cupidity, the Mandals, during the process of collection, used to keep a portion out of the collected gifts leaving nearly 85% to the palace. Again, those gifts were deducted by the Mukhtiyars and Kazis leaving hardly 25% for the occasion in the palace. The justification about keeping such gifts is also interesting “Maha Kadnele Haat ta chatcha nai” meaning ‘a person who takes out honey from the hives definitely licks his hands’. Further, the peasants had to send a member of his household to assist the Mandal during farming in the form of Bethi Khetala. This Bethi Khetala was a free service to be rendered by a villager to the Mandals. The sufferers remind their black years in these words:
“We had to go to the fields of the Kazi Thikadars and Mandals for the harvest or for farming; they gave a fistful of dry maize to work for the whole day”.
Receipt issued to a peasant Man Bahadur Limboo in 1945 by a Mandal Kharga Singh 
Auxiliary, when the peasants needed monetary help, they would visit the Mandals for debt to be used for the marriage, or in the death rites of the peasants. If a peasant took loan of Rs 100/- he had to pay interest of 1 Muri of Rice to the Mandal from whom he had taken the loan. Hence, in feudal Sikkim, the Mandals had designated themselves as Kazi and proved to be the one who were directly responsible for the exploitation which ultimately gave birth to the peasant resistance in the secluded Kingdom of Sikkim.





References:
Tax receipts collected from Harka Bahadur Limboo aka Khukurey Bajey of Chota Singtam East Sikkim on 21st January 2012
  Information collected through personal interview from erstwhile Mandals Kharga Bahadur Chauhan of Temi, Chandra Bahadur Basnett of Namli, Passang Tshering Bhutia of Namin and Phur Tshering Lepcha of Marchak villages during field survey in December 2011 and January 2012
Sikkim State, Office of the Dewan, Order No.4, Revenue Administration, Dated 19th August 1949, Gangtok
 Information collected through personal interview from Ash Man Rai of Assam Lingzey on 27th January 2012
 Scan Copy of the Notice issued on 18th December 1945 by Mandal Brihaspati Upadhyay to Ravilal Pyakurel of Tareythang village, East Sikkim. The document is an important credential to understand the judicial rights enjoyed by the village Mandals.

The Mukhtiyars in Feudal Sikkim


In the feudal administrative hierarchy of Sikkim, the Mukhtiyars enjoyed position next to the Kazi/Thikadars. Anna Balikci presumes that, the term got its origination from Ottoman Empire as the village Chiefs there were known as Mukhtar.We do not have much information about the commencement of this system in Sikkim. The available Official documents issued from the Royal Durbar are silent about the existence of any offices related to the Mukhtiyars hence, they were probably appointed by the Kazis in their Elakhas to maintain law and order in their estates. Auxiliary, documents belonging to Rai Saheb Durga Sumsher Pradhan of Rhenock also indicate that the Mukhtiyars were appointed by the Kazis and by other lessee holders.
Further, my field survey report bears ample testimony to the fact that the Mukhtiyars were given the charge of a whole Elakah of a lessee holder or a Thikadar. He was also granted the charge of litigation under his jurisdiction. Their duty was akin to today’s District Magistrate and was with a few hereditary exceptions, appointed on merit.From the pictures collected from the erstwhile Mukhtiyar family of Namchi in South Sikkim, it can be stated that they had a comfortable and a reverential life.
Photograph of Mukhtiyar San Man Tamang of Namchi South Sikkim. The person sitting on a chair in the middle was the Mukhtiyar. The golden ornaments of the women and the dress they clad in shows that they had a very comfortable way of life. The people standing behind were the peasants of his estate in Namchi. Pic. Courtesy Late Rup Maya Tamang, Namchi Bazaar, South Sikkim
Being a local of the Estate owned by the Kazis, the Mukhtiyars had detail information about the settlers. The Kazis and Thikadars, being the “high born” elites of the Kingdom hardly visited their respective holdings in the villages and preferred to live in comfort in the beautiful mansions in the capital of the Kingdom. The Kazis usually gave charges to trusted persons residing in their estates. In another word, the Mukhtiyars were to serve the Kazis as a bridge between the peasants and the Landlords.They also had to maintain the land records related to the peasants of his Elakah. As the trusted persons of the Kazis, the Mukhtiyars too possessed a vast tract of land for their personal use and the same was distributed among the Pakhureys. The descendents of Tashiding Mukhtiyar still profess the exploitative money lending job to the peasants in their periphery.
The information of the descendants of the Mukhtiyars highlights that they too lived their lives in a great comfort. They had many servants at their residence who were mostly the children of the tax defaulters.They had to make necessary arrangements in their Elakhas during the visit of King and other high ranking native and British Officials.The life standard enjoyed by the Mukhtiyars was almost similar to the Kazis and Thikadars. They had constructed beautiful mansions, travelled on the back of Arabic horses, and possessed enormous wealth. The Kothi of Namchi Mukhtiyar which was constructed nearly a century ago still steals a glimpse or two of every visitor. However, it appears that these officials were not prevalent in every estate hold by the lessee holders like the Kazis and Thikadars. The estates in the proximity of the Kingdom’s capital did not have any office related to the Mukhtiyars.

References




Balikci, Anna (2008), Lamas, Shamans and Ancestors- Village Religion in Sikkim, Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands
Appointment letter of 1932 of a Mukhtiyar by Rai Saheb Durga Sumsher Pradhan  of Rhenock East Sikkim preserved at Ramgauri Sangrahalaya Rhenock
Information collected through personal interview from Mrs. Rup Maya Tamang, a granddaughter of erstwhile Mukhtiyar of Namchi Late San Man Tamang on 23rd April 2010
Information collected through personal interview from the peasants of Tashiding village in West Sikkim on 21st  and 22nd December 2011
 Information collected from the villages of Assam Lingzey, Kadamtam, Aho, Namin, Marchak and Samdur which are in proximity to Gangtok.

Feudal Judicial System of Sikkim- A Brief Review


Like any other feudalistic arrangements, the judicial system of Sikkim has a history of its own. The King though, enjoyed a highest position in the feudalistic set up, could not execute his judicial obligations properly as he was surrounded by the then “Elites”, the Kazis, who were the de-facto arbitrators of their Ellakas. They could tax, confiscate, mortgage and sometimes seized the lands of peasants into Home Farm, the Private land holdings of the Kazis.   In short, the Kazis were the fountainhead of justice in feudalistic Sikkim and it is because of such “Lawless Law” the ordinary peasants were compelled live a combatant’s life.
Sikkim’s contacts with the British Indian Government had even worsened the existing judicial system of Sikkim. Available testimonials highlight that in 1909, the Kazis, Thikadars and Lamas were invested with legal powers by a State Council Resolution. They could try Civil Suits up to the valuation of Rs. 500/-. The State Council Resolution of 1909 had thus given an overwhelming power to the state machinery (Kazis, Mandals, Mukhtiyars, Karbaris) to exploit the common people, especially the peasants in the name of legal action. It is to be mentioned here that the formation of “British Styled” State Council used to have the British Political Officer as its President. After the establishment of the said Council, the Sikkimese Kings were kept behind curtail and the British Political Officer began to take decisions, enact Laws and to rule the Kingdom with the assistance of pro-British Kazis like Phodang Lama, Khangsa Dewan and Shoe Dewan and so on. The Kings whosoever tried to oppose the new set up either were sent to prison (Maharaja Thotub Namgyal) or were given mysterious death (Maharaja Sridkyong Trulku). Before the establishment of High Court at Gangtok, administration of justice in Sikkim was being carried out by the Feudal Landlords (Adda Courts), Dzongpens (District Officers). Pipons (Headmen) and Mandals with the Chogyal at the top.  All the important judgments were given at the Adda Courts and at the Settlement Houses by the Feudal Officials and used to give inhuman punishments of Thinguro placed at the Kazi’s House. These Thinguros were made up of wooden planks, the culprit had to put his legs inside the hole of the Thinguro, after doing it, the mouth of the Thinguro was tighten by a rod or an iron, thus, leaving the culprit standing with utter pain. He could not sit as the wood was tightened on his knees, therefore he did not have other alternatives than to cry in the dark prison of the Kazi. Further, he was not given a single drop of water for three four days, after the Kazi got satisfied from the punishment, finally he was granted pardon.
In 1916, Appellate Courts by the designation of Chief Court was created with jurisdiction to try important original suits and also to hear appeals against the decisions of the Adda Courts. But, from the study it reveals that there were very few cases of appealing against the decision of the Adda Courts due to the threat of havoc from the Kazis and Mukhtiyars. This Court also exercised supervisory and appellate jurisdiction over the Adda Courts. The Chief Court was not the final Court. The appeal against the decision of the Chief Court would lie to the Supreme Court of His Highness, the Maharaja. The Court of the Maharaja was the final Court of appeal in the State. It has no original jurisdiction. A Board on the lines of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in England would hear the parties and scrutinize the evidence regarding merit of the case and then tender its opinion to the Maharaja. (From the compilation of Hon’ble Shree A.P Subba, Former Judge High Court of Sikkim)
 In 1949, the Adda Courts were abolished on the recommendation of the Judicial Proposal Committee. The State was divided into 4 (four) revenue Districts and Magistrates were appointed in District with original and appellate jurisdiction on the criminal and civil side. The Courts of the Assistant Magistrate and the Court of Tahsildars were created. In the lowest rung, a few Honorary Courts of Magistrates were created to dispose of petty criminal and civil cases. The Chief Magistrate had both original and appellate jurisdiction on civil and criminal sides. He had unlimited powers (From the compilation of Hon’ble Shree A.P Subba, Former Judge High Court of Sikkim). 
The independence of India breeds a new hope of liberty inside the minds of the peasants of Sikkim. They too began to organise themselves in a larger manner for their rights and liberties. Due to pressure made by Sikkim State Congress, all the forced labours were wiped out by the reformist Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal in 1948. Further, the overwhelming powers enjoyed by the Kazis and his Officials were also restrained, indicating a new aeon in the history of Judiciary of Sikkim. From the available records it appears that in 1953, a Judge of the High Court of Sikkim was appointed but in 1955, High Court of Judicature (Jurisdiction and Powers) Proclamation, 1955 was issued establishing a High Court in Sikkim. The High Court thus established was made the final Court in all judicial matters, civil or criminal, subject to the exercise of prerogative by the Maharaja to grant mercy, pardon, remission, commutation and reduction of sentence in case of conviction. The Maharaja had also retained his prerogative to set up a Special Tribunal for the review of any case, civil or criminal. 
After becoming the 22nd State of India under Clause (i) of Article 371F, the High Court functioning immediately prior to the date of merger became the High Court for the State of Sikkim under the Constitution like any other High Court in the country. Under Clause (i) of the same Article all Courts of Civil, Criminal and Revenue Jurisdiction, all Authorities and all Officers, Judicial, Executive and Ministerial throughout Sikkim were to continue to exercise their respective powers subject to the provisions of the Constitution and under Clause (k) all laws in force immediately before the appointed day in Sikkim were to continue to be in force until amended or repealed by a competent legislature or other competent authority. 

Sikkim State Notification for the abolition of Kuruwa.



Literally ‘Kuruwa’ means a long wait in Nepali. Sometimes on account of the road condition and other factors, people sent to transport the Kalo Bhari waited for several days for the arrival of the commodities. The process of serving as a Kuruwa labour was very much similar with the process of Jharlangi. For this labour also the British Officials offered contracts to the local Kazis and Thikadars for the supply of the labourers.  For such contracts the Kazi- Thikadars were handsomely paid. But, as a Kuruwa, a peasant had to work with out any wages. During the entire wait for the Kalo Bhari, the ryot himself had to manage his resources. No excuses of a ryot were granted by the Kazi-Thikadars. Under any circumstances the ryots had to discharge their duties as Kuruwa. There were few cases in the Western Sikkim, when their Zamindar had forced them to work as Kuruwa, when they were performing the death rites of their deceased family members. As a Kuruwa they had to carry Kalo Bhari from a far away distance. There were various centers from where the Sikkimese peasants as Kuruwa labourer had to carry their loads. Some of the important centers for this labour were, Geil Khola, 27th mile, Rangpo, Melli, Teesta etc. The British Indian Railway used to unload such loads at a place called Geil Khola in Darjeeling district of modern West Bengal. From there the distance of Gangtok is nearly 70 Kilo meters. The Kuruwa had to carry their load from such a long distance and that too at their own expense. The weights of the load varied from time to time and were entirely depended on the commodities sent by the British Government. But, generally the loads were of 40 kg. weight.

If we compare British Imperialism in India with the native feudalism of Sikkim than one can notice Sikkimese feudal system was much tough and cruel. The Sikkimese feudalism became more severe and cruel after the interference of the British Government in the politics of Sikkim. In short, the responsibility for the introduction of feudalism in Sikkim also goes to the British. The Indians in the plains were directly exploited by the British authorities, who were foreigners and were concentrated in a profit making process. Of course, the pricks and pains which the Indian masses received from the colonial rule were also incomparable. But, the Sikkimese peasants were exploited by their own people, who behaved like “the very apt pupil of the British”. In Sikkimese feudalism we find the elements of French feudal system of the mid 18th century. There also the society was divided into three estates namely, the nobility, the clergy and the common people in Sikkimese society very similar kinds of elements are amply found. The only difference between the French feudalism and Sikkimese feudalism is that the peasants of France had to pay Thithe as religious tax, which was not to be paid by the Sikkimese peasants. Moreover, the story of a poor and destitute either he may belong to Sikkim or France is almost similar, as poverty and suffering does not have a common language, race, caste or even the boundaries. But, in every revolution, some signs, some symbols, comes to occupy a pre eminent position and those signs or symbols become the watchword for the masses. In Sikkim, people’s sufferings, their woes, trials and tribulations came to be symbolized by Kalo Bhari, Jharlangi, Theki Bheti, and Kuruwa.
Such unlawful system was eliminated by the Notification from the Maharaja of Sikkim Sir Tashi Namgyal which is pasted here with this post. It was issued by the General Department (Misc. Branch) Gangtok on the 31st Day of January 1947. It bears a Notification No. 4816/G(M) and has a Memo No 4817-5316/G(M). The Notification states an immediate implementation of the Royal Order in the entire Kingdom. It was issued in three languages English, Tibetan and Nepali which were regarded as the prominent languages of the former Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim. After the issue of the Notification from His Highness Maharaja Sir Tashi Namgyal Copies of the same were forwarded to the Landlords, Managers and Officer-in-Charge, Police Out and Patrol Posts in Sikkim for information.
I am greatly obliged to Mr. Shital Pradhan a well known name in Sikkim History for sharing this extraordinary certificate with me. His help and support will lead me a long way in my days to come.  


The Kazis of Sikkim

The division of the kingdom into several Dzongs or districts was prevalent from the early years of the Namgyal dynasty. The country was divided into Dzongs for the administrative convenience of the ruler. The territory of the kingdom in the initial years of the Tibetan Rule was a large one. Therefore, for the administration of the Tibetan Dominion of Sikkim, the kingdom was divided into several districts and the Lepcha Dzongpens or the Governors were given the charge of their respective areas. But, the kingdom had lost its territories to the Nepal, Bhutan, to the East India Company and to Tibet. Therefore, by now the total area of Sikkim was not more than the area of present Sikkim. Even in such a small area, the Dzongpens or the Governors were still enjoying their privileges which they had inherited from their forefathers. As time rolled on, the same Lepcha Dzongpens became the Kazis. (The term Kazi might have been borrowed from neighbouring Indian Muslim state or from Nepal). Their matrimonial relations with the Tibetan nobility made them to hide their origin as the Tibetans considered the Lepchas as the low-born people. With the arrival of the British, these Kazis, because of their money and power which they imitated from the British, became more rigid and rude towards their own people. The Kazis before their contacts with the British were not cunning enough as they lived in a kingdom which was secluded and unknown to the outside world.
Regarding the privileges and positions of the Kazis and Thikadars, a pamphlet ‘A Few Facts About Sikkim’, published by Tashi Tshering in 1947, a pioneer of democratic movement in Sikkim comments thus:-
“The Kazis, who are the landlords, claim to belong to the old nobility and compare themselves with the barons of the feudal system. By long usage they have accustomed to oppress the people and to expect the utmost subservience from them. They form the exclusive and influential coterie around the ruling family and are able to impose their will on all and sundry. The rest of the land lords  called ‘Thikadars’, are content to play second fiddle to the Kazis and thus share in the loaves and fishes of office and other privileges. Bound by a common policy to oppress the ryots, the ‘Thikadars’ especially the more influential among them, have proved as bad as any of the  Kazis. Landlordism as obtaining in Sikkim has proved the curse of the ryots. It has enabled the landlords through coercion and intimidation, to acquire for themselves the best holdings of the ryots. The landlords pay no taxes, which consequently fall with greater severity upon the ryots. On the other hand, the landlords receive large unearned commission from the state as reward for carrying on a thoroughly corrupt system of government”.
Regarding the power and functions enjoyed by the Kazis, the pamphlet further states as under:-
“The landlords are vested with magisterial powers in both civil and criminal matters. They are also empowered to register documents for the sale or transferred of landed properties. There are no effective checks on these powers and the landlords are free to abuse them for their own gains. The more fine a landlord can impose, the larger his share of spoils, for he receives one half of the collection as his fees and the other halves goes to the state. When as has happened many times, a landlord ‘forgets’ to enter a fine in his books, nobody is wiser, and he appropriates the whole amount to himself. A grabbing landlord has no difficulties in disposing an uncompromising ryot of his cherished possession, be it a paddy field or a herd of cattle. The slightest delay in the payment of taxes, a matter of common occurrence, enables a landlord to seize the very property of he has set his eyes upon, to the exclusion of any other, and thus transfer is affected speedily and very profitably to the land lord. Numerous ryots have thus been reduced to penury and practical slavery. Landlords are invested with different classes of legal powers with due regard to their merits and qualifications. But, most of the landlords live away from their estates and their powers are exercised by ignorant and rapacious underlings who have no scruples about filling their own pockets besides extracting as much as they can for their masters” 
(About the Picture:- This is a studio picture of an unknown Kazi of Sikkim probably taken in the 80's of the 19th century. Picture Source http://oldindianphotos.blogspot.com)


Member Party- The First Political Party of Sikkim

In the history of every country, the voice of revolt is heard when the level of suppression goes to its height. In Sikkim also, the level of suppression had reached its highest point due to the repressive policies of the Kazis, Thekadars, Mandals etc. People became restless when their existence was unduly fortified because of the undemocratic treatment of the commoners by the state mechanism. So, the voice of downtrodden mass began to be heard. The masses rose against the suppression of the Kazis without caring about their lives and property. The youths of Namthang, South Sikkim propelled  an underground movement against feudalism. They founded the first ever political party of Sikkim known as the Member Party in 1940. The party was founded under the leadership of Dahal brothers of Namthang namely Khadananda Dahal and Dharanidhar Dahal. The other important members of the party were Maha Singh Limbu, the Sapkota brothers namely Jai Narayan Sapkota and Trilochan Sapkota, Jerman Lepcha (Father of ex Deputy Speaker of Sikkim Assembly Mr. Ram Lepcha). They had a good relation with the leaders of Gorkha League of Kalimpong like Damber Singh Gurung, Randhir Subba and others. The main objective of the Member Party was to unleash Sikkim from the exploitation of Kazi contractors and the evil socio-economic practices of the then feudal political system. The leaders of the party were determined to end the feudal practices in Sikkim by any means and they even made a mindset to adopt  violent measures also if needed. It was on a Thursday in Chaitra month according to the Nepali calander ,  i.e. April 1945 (date unknown), the three leaders of the Member Party delivered their speech at Namthang Haat . This was probably the first political speech given by the first Sikkimese political leaders. They made a clarion call to the mass to rise and march ahead in the search of justice and freedom. The summary of the speech is as under:-

“Now the time has changed. We are no more to tolerate the atrocities of the Kazi-Zamindars. We all must arise and should join our hands to throw out the Kazis. This time none of the ryots will carry the loads of paddy of Baburam Kasaju (the Zamindar) with out any wage. This is a warning to all the peasants of Namthang. If anyone dares to do that; their houses will be burnt down. Apart from this, we are no more carrying the Kalo Bhari, Jharlangi…………. If they want our lives, we are ready to sacrifice these for the sake of you all. But, we will never abide by  their orders……..
                                    "Down with Kazi Zamindars, Long Live People’s Power!!”

The three leaders who had addressed the Namthang Haat were Khadananda Dahal, his brother Dharnidhar Dahal and Jerman Lepcha. When they were speaking on the megaphone, the listeners got shivered with overwhelming sentiments . The Zamindar Baburam Kasaju sent his police to arrest the leaders. Somehow, they managed to escape and  got underground. The incident geared up the motifs of the leaders and became more active . The members of the Member Party looted the paddy and other crops of the Zamindar and distributed the same to the poor farmers. Thus, the villagers arose from their slumber and began blowing the shell of a change, a massive change . Nightly meetings were held to find out the ways and means to do away with the suppression heralding a new era in the political history of the Kingdom.

The course of speeches at Namthang Bazaar continued and gained momentum. As a Councilor, Baburam Kasaju had to go to Gangtok and during his absence, the young leaders of the Member Party organized meetings every Thursday at the Haat. Earlier, the peasants were scared to attend the speeches but, later they started to attend them fearlessly. The speeches of the leaders were not only against the Zamindar Baburam but, they were firm in their motives to dismantle the whole system from the soil of Sikkim. When the activities of the Member Party reached to its highest , one of its active members Maha Singh Limbu was arrested and was tortured in the most inhuman manner and was banished from Sikkim.

The members of the Member Party actively participated in the movement for the abolition of Kazi- Zamindari system on 1st May 1949. The movement remained successful in eliminating the cruel and notorious Zamindari system from Sikkim. Due to their political differences, the Member Party greatly opposed ‘Popular Ministry’ founded by the State Congress. They had a clash with the State Congress on 13th May, 1949.  Dharnidhar Dahal and many other supporters of the Member Party were injured. As every development were going against their principles, the founder leader of the Member Party, Khadananda Dahal sold all his landed property and got settled in Jhapa district of Nepal in 1957.

Thus, the political consciousness of the people of Sikkim developed in the remote pockets of the kingdom which was mostly focussed on the unjust, unhealthy and undemocratic policies of the Zamindars. It is to be noted here that, the early revolutionaries of the Member Party did not criticize the Maharaja, nor they criticized his policies. They clamoured against feudalism and were firm in their principles in securing democracy. With the foundation of Member Party in the early 40’s of the 20th century, we can say that, in spite of theocratic and feudal political structure, certain aspects of secular and liberal democracy were in the rising stage in the horizon of Sikkimese politics.