सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको शुरुवात

Extort from my upcoming book in Nepali

भारतको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन चरमोत्कर्षमा रहँदा, सिक्किमको राजनीति सुसुप्त अवस्थामा रहेको पाइन्छ| सिक्किम त्यसताक बेलायती साम्राज्यवादले जन्माएका कुरीतिहरूबीच जकडिएको अवस्थामा थियो, सिक्किमे प्रजाले चाहेर पनि त्यस कुरीतिको प्रतिवाद गर्न सक्दैन थिए किनभने उनीहरूको समस्यालाई उजागर गर्ने कुनै सङ्गठन सिक्किममा जन्मिएकै थिएन| यदा-कदा एक दुइ स-साना सङ्गठनद्वारा राजनैतिक चेतना ल्याउने प्रयास भइरहे तापनि ती प्रयासहरू अर्थपूर्ण नरहेको पाइन्छ| ती स-साना सङ्गठनहरू ठूला राजनैतिक दलहरू नभई , स-साना सुधार सङ्गठनहरू मात्र थिए, जसका कुनै राजनैतिक सिद्धान्तहरू थिएनन्| यसैले आधुनिक परिदृष्यमा यी सङ्गठनहरूलाई राजनैतिक सङ्गठन भन्न उपयुक्त हुँदैन| त्यसै गरी ती सङ्गठनहरू जस्तै- सिक्किम प्रजा सम्मेलन, प्रजा परिषद् र प्रजा सुधार समाज, राज्यका विभिन्न गाउँ- बस्तीहरूमा शुरु गरिएका थिए जसको मुख्य उद्देश्य जमीनदारी, कालो- भारी ठेकी-बेठी, कुरुवा, झार्लाङ्गी आदि कुरीतिहरूको उन्मूलन थियो| उनीहरूको नीति युगानुकूल रहे तापनि ऐक्यबद्धताका अभावमा ती नीतिहरूको सठीक कार्यान्वयन हुनसकेन| परिणामतः सिक्किमका निमुखा प्रजाहरूको समस्यामा कुनै सुधार आएन| भारत स्वतन्त्र हुँदा सिक्किमे किसानहरू ठीक त्यही पद्धतिले जीविकोपार्जन गर्दै थिए, जुन पद्धतिमा उनीहरूका बाउ- बाजे बॉंचेका थिए| भारतको स्वतन्त्रता एउटा ऐतिहासिक घटना थियो जसद्वारा सिक्किम पनि अछुतो रहेन|

आफ्नो छिमेकमा भएको युगान्तकारी परिवर्तनले सिक्किममा पनि स्वतन्त्रताका केही न्याना तरङ्गहरूको सूत्रपात भएको पाइन्छ| यो अविस्मरणीय देखिन्छ, धेरैजसो भारतीय इतिहासकारका विचारमा सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको शुरुवात भारतको स्वतन्त्रता संग्रामबाट प्रेरित तथा प्रभावित भएर भएको हो भन्ने छ| भारतको स्वतन्त्रता अनि त्यसमा गान्धीजीका साथै अरू कंग्रेसी नेताहरूको योगदान अविस्मरणीय छन्| यस घटनाको अरू कुनै राष्ट्रको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनसँग तुलना हुन सक्दैन| तर, सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताको विकास पूर्णतः भारतको स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनबाट प्रेरित भएर भएको हो भन्ने धारणा न्यायसङ्गत होइन| आफ्नै छिमेकी राज्यमा भएको त्यस परिवर्तनले सिक्किमे हृदयहरूमा गहिरो छाप अवश्य छोडेको हुनसक्छ तर, सिक्किमे राजनीतिमा सचेतता भारतको स्वतन्त्रताले ल्याएको हो भनी ठोकुवा दिँदा सिक्किमका स्थानिक कारणहरूलाई अन्याय हुन जान्छ| ती भारतीय साथै विदेशी इतिहासकारहरूले यदि सिक्किमको तत्कालीन पृष्टभूमिको गहन अध्ययन गरेर जिम्मेवारीपूर्ण इतिहास लेखिदिएका भए, सिक्किमको राजनैतिक इतिहास आज एउटा आफ्नै घडेरीमा खडा भएको हुने थियो होला सायद|

सिक्किममा राजनैतिक सचेतताका मौलिक कारणहरूः

१. जमीनदारी प्रथाः-

जमीनदारी प्रथा सिक्किमलाई एउटा अंग्रेजी साम्राज्यवादको उपहार थियो, जसद्वारा यहॉंका जमीनदारहरूले मानौं गरीब प्रजाहरूको शोषण गर्ने एउटा सजिलो ‘अस्त्र’ प्राप्त गरेका थिए| सन् १८९०-को अंग्रेजी चिनीयाइ सम्मेलन (Anglo Chinese Convention) - ले भारतको अंग्रेज सरकारलाई सिक्किमको शासन व्यवस्थालाई आफ्नै ढङ्गले सञ्चालन गर्ने छूट दिएको थियो| जसको फलस्वरूप, अंग्रेजी राजनैतिक अधिकारी (British Poltical Officers) जे. सी ह्वाइटले (J.C.White) एउटा राज्य परिषद्को स्थापना गरे र उनी आफै त्यस परिषद्का सभापति भए| यी जे.सी ह्वाइटले नै सिक्किमलाई पहिलोचोटि जमीनदारी, ठेेकेदारी जस्ता काजीवादी नीतिको परिचय गराए| पछि यिनै जमीनदार, ठेकेदार काजी आदिले आफ्नो शक्तिको गलत प्रयोग गरेर निमुखा प्रजाहरूको हूर्मत लिए| सिक्किमे प्रजाहरूलाई विभिन्न प्रकारले शोषण गरेको तथ्याङ्क अहिले पनि गाउँका बुजुर्ग व्यक्तिहरूबाट प्राप्त गर्न सकिन्छ| भारतबाट अङ्ग्रेज सरकारको पलायनपछि पनि, सिक्किम मा यी प्रथाहरू राजतन्त्रका मल-जलले मौलाइरहे| शोषणको त्यस परिवेशमा आफ्ना हक र अधिकारको विषयमा सोच्न न सिक्किमे किसानहरूमा फूर्सद थियो न आँट नै थियो अनि न त कुनै राजनैतिक सङ्गठनहरूद्वारा यी विषयहरूको उठान गर्ने कुनै राजनैतिक अखडा थियो| फलतः सिक्किमे किसान पिल्सिरहे, चेप्टीरहे समयको कुचक्रमा एउटा नयॉं बिहानीको प्रतीक्षामा, एउटा नयॉं संसारको आशामा|

यदि हामीले अंग्रेजी साम्राज्यवादसँग सिक्किमे सामन्तवादी जमीनदारी प्रथालाई तुलना गर्ने हो भने, यहॉं रहेको जमीनदारी प्रथा अझ विकराल थियो| भारतका जनतालाई शोषण गर्ने त एक विदेशी शक्ति थियो जो आफ्नो साम्राज्यताको घमण्डले चूर भएर सोझा भारतीयहरूलाई चुस्तथ्यो| तर, सिक्किमका सिक्किमे प्रजाहरू त आफ्नै दाजु-भाईहरूद्वारा टाढिँदै थिए, लुटिँदै थिए अनि चुसिँदै थिए| एक साधारण सिक्किमे प्रजा एउटा प्रजामात्र थिएनन् उनीहरूका विभिन्न रूपहरू थिए| कहिले उनीहरू कालो भारी बोक्ने भरिया थिए, कहिले सामान कुर्ने कुरुवा, कहिले जमीनदारको हली थिए त कहिले आफ्नै खेताला| इतिहास पढ्दा र साधारण सिक्किमे किसान ढॉंटिएको देख्दा यस्तो लाग्छ उनीहरूको मनस्थितिमा यिनै चार- पॉंच शब्दहरू गुञ्जिरहेका हुँदा हुन्|

शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, न्याय, अधिकार, समानता आदिजस्ता शब्दहरू त सायद उनीहरूले सुन्नै नपाइ बिते होला| सिक्किमे जमीनदारी प्रथाको कथा सुन्दा कहिले काही हाम्रो मस्तिष्कमा फ्रान्सको सामन्तवाद सम्झना दौडन्छ| मध्यकालीन फ्रान्समा त्यहॉंको समाज तीन भागमा विभाजित हुँदथ्यो जसलाई प्रथमवर्ग (First Estate), दोस्रो वर्ग ( Second Estate) अनि तेस्रो वर्ग (Third Estate) भनेर राज्यले छुट्याएको हुन्थ्यो| पहिलो वर्गमा राजा र उसका आसे पासेहरू हुन्थे भने दोस्रो वर्गमा क्लेर्जी (Clergy) अर्थात् चर्चका पुजारीहरू हुन्थे र त्यसै गरी सर्वसाधारण प्रजाहरू तेस्रो वर्गमा पर्दथे|

सिक्किमको तत्कालीन व्यवस्थाले यसरी सिक्किमे समाजलाई विभाजित नगरे तापनि समाजको बनौट र त्यहॉं व्याप्त नीति एकै-एकै थियो भन्दा कुनै अत्युक्ति नहोला| जे भए पनि गरीब र बेसाहाराको कथा र व्यथा एउटै हुन्छ, चाहे त्यो गरीब त्यसबेलाको सिक्किमे किसान होस् कि मध्यकालीन फ्रान्सको कुनै एउटा दास| किनभने, गरीबीको न कुनै भाषा हुन्छ न कुनै जात अनि न यसको राजनैतिक सीमाना नै हुन्छ| तर कुनै पनि क्रान्तिको शंखनादभन्दा अघि यिनै गरीबका चित्कारहरूले राजनैतिक सत्ताको दैलो ढकढक्याइ रहेको पाइन्छ| सिक्किमको राजनैतिक परिप्रेक्ष्यमा पछि गएर यिनै तत्वहरूले राजनैतिक सचेतताको जागरणका निम्ति महत्वपूर्ण कार्य गरेको पाउँछौं|

जमीनदारको आदेश सिक्किमे किसानहरूका निम्ति एउटा ईश्‍वरको आदेश थियो| जे भने पनि मान्नैपर्ने स्थिति, कुनै प्रतिवाद छैन न त त्यस स्थितिको निवारण छ| सिक्किमका किसानहरू मानौं जनावर हुन् जति काम लगाउन सक्यो त्यति जमीनदारलाई फाइदा| गरीब श्रमिकको श्रमको कुनै ज्याला छैन, मागोस पनि कसरी उ त जमीनदारको पाखुरे| जति मन पर्‍यो त्यति खजाना जमीनदारले थोप्दा पनि चुप चाप लाग्नुपर्ने त्यस बेलाको अधिकार बिहीन कानून| महाराज टॉंसी नामग्याल एक गुणिला व्यक्ति तर उनीसम्म कुनै अर्जी पुग्नै नपाउने| काजीहरू जो धेरै जसो आफै जमीनदार थिए अर्जी लेखेको थाहा पाए सक्दो अत्याचार गर्ने| कति सहन्छ एउटा साधारण मान्छेले? यदि यस विषयमा जान्ने कसैको चासो भए त्यसको ज्वलन्त उदाहरण सिक्किमका हरेक गाउँ-घरतिर पर्याप्त मात्रामा पाइन सकिन्थ्यो| राजाले त सायद सुनिदिन्थे होला तर उनी आफ्नै दरवारमा उनका झाउरे- बाउरे काजीहरू बीच बस्ने, सॉंच्चै भन्नुपर्दा उनलाई बाहिर जान र प्रजाको समस्या बुझ्न उनका काजी भारदारहरूले साह्रै दिए जस्तो देखिँदैन| केही पुराना दस्तावेजहरूको अध्ययनबाट गाउँ-बस्तीका हरेक समस्या कानुनी तौरमा यिनै काजीहरूले गर्थे भन्ने तथ्य प्रष्ट हुन्छ| अब उनीहरूले दिएको सुनवाईले कसले कति न्याय पाउँथ्यो भन्ने कुरा अहिलेको समाजलाई बुझाइरहनु पर्ला जस्तो लाग्दैन| सिक्किमको यस्तो व्यवस्थादेखि विरक्तिएर धेरै सिक्किमे परिवारहरू यहॉंबाट पलायन भई, असम, बङ्गाल, मणिपुर, नेपालतिर गई बसेको तथ्याङ्क हामी पाउँछौं|

२. ठिकादारी प्रथाः-

ऐतिहासिक दृष्टिले हेर्नु हो भने, यस प्रथाको शुरुवात सन् २८७७- तिर भएको थाहा लाग्छ, जब नेवारी व्यापारीहरूलाई सिक्किम सरकारले उत्खनन, बसोबासो र वन संरक्षण तथा व्यवस्थापनका निम्ति ठिका प्रदान गर्दछ| सन् १८६७-मा दुइजना नेपाल बन्धुहरू लक्ष्मीदार र चन्दवीर मास्केलाई वर्षको ५०० रुपियॉं राजालाई र ७०० रुपियॉं खाङ्गसा देवान र फोदाङ्ग लामालाई (फोदाङ्ग र खाङ्गता अंगे्रज समर्थक काजीहरू थिए) दिने राजीनामाका साथ २० वर्षका लागि सिक्किमे बॉंझो जमीनहरू ठिकामा दिइन्छ| ती नेवार बन्धुहरूले यहॉंका बॉंझा जमीनहरू नेपालबाट भित्र्याइएका नेपालीहरूलाई दिए| यो घट्नाभन्दा धेरै दशकअघि देखिनै नेपालीहरूको सिक्किममा बसोबासो भइआएको धेरै ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरू भेट्टाइन्छ| स्मरण रहोस, सिक्किममा यिनै नेपालीहरूले Terrace Cultivation-को शुरुवात गरेका हुन् जसद्वारा सिक्किममा आधुनिक कृषि पद्धतिको सुत्रपात भएको हो| बृटिस-भारतको मुख्य उद्देश्य नेपालीहरूबाट सस्तो मजदुरी प्राप्त गर्नु थियो त्यसैले उनीहरूले नेपालीहरूको सिक्किममा बसोबासो माथि जोड दिए|

फलतः नेपालीहरूको जनसङ्ख्या सिक्किममा बढ्दै गयो| नेपालीहरूको जनसङ्ख्या सँगसँगै ठिकादारी प्रथाले उत्कर्षता पाएको प्रमाणहरू पाइन्छ| सिक्किमको त्यसबेलाको सामाजिक वर्गीकरणमा ठिकादारहरूको स्थान काजीभन्दा एकै खुडकिलो मात्र तल रहने गर्दथ्यो| जसको कारणले यी ठिकादारहरूले सोझा जनताहरूमाथि मनमौजी गर्नेगर्थे| कति ठिकादारहरू त राजाकोभन्दा अझ बढी ठॉंट-बॉंटका साथ रहेको पाइन्छ| यी ठिकादारहरूको मुख्य काम अंग्रेजहरूलाई श्रमको निर्यात गर्नु थियो| तिनताक अंग्रेज सरकारले आफ्नो व्यापारलाई बढाउनका निम्ति धेरै बाटा- घाटाहरूको निर्माण गरेको थियो| यी कार्यहरूलाई सफल गराउन ठिकादारहरूलाई श्रम जुटाउन अंग्रेज सरकारको हुकुम हुन्थ्यो| यसबाहेक यिनै अंग्रेज साहेबहरूको भारी बोक्न, एक ठाउँको सामान अर्को ठाउँ सार्न, कालो भारी, झालाङ्गी इत्यादी बोक्ने ठिका पनि अंग्रेजहरूले यिनै ठिकादारहरूलाई दिएको हुन्थ्यो| सोझा साथै डराउने स्वभावका ती मजदुरहरूको फाइदा लिँदै ठिकादारहरूले ती श्रमिकहरूलाई भनी अङ्ग्रेज बाबुहरूले दिएको पैसा हडप्ने गर्दथे| ती लुटिएका सोझा सिक्किम किसानहरू निःशब्द बनेर आफ्नो काम गर्थे र जसको ज्याला एकदमै न्यून हुन्थ्यो| कोही बेला त बिना पैसा पनि काम गर्नुपर्थ्यो जसले ती गरीबहरूको जिन्दगीमा जटिलताको पाहाड खडा गर्थ्यो, तरै पनि चाबुक र लाठी अनि ठिँगुरोका डरले ठिकादारको सामन्तवादी कानूनको पालना गर्थे| वास्तवमा ठिकादारहरूको काजी जमीनदारहरूसँग नजिकैको सम्बन्ध भएका कारण वर्वरतापूर्ण कार्यहरू अनभिज्ञ जनताहरूमाथि देखाउँथे| यस्तो सामाजिक संस्कारहरूभित्र सिक्किमे किसानहरूमा राजनैतिक सचेतता खोज्नु अन्धालाई बाटो देखाइमाग्नु सरहमात्र हुनजान्छ|

३. कालो भारीः

यो अमानवीय शोषणको शुरुवात पनि सिक्किमको बृटिशसित सम्बन्ध स्थापित भएपछि मात्र भएको हो| तर ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरूको अभावमा यसको शुरुवात यही सालदेखि भयो भनी किटान गरेर भन्न सकिँदैन| यस प्रथाको नाउँ किन कालो भारी रह्यो भन्ने विषयमा विभिन्न इतिहासकारहरूको छुट्टा छुट्टै मतहरूपाइन्छन्| तर वास्तवमा अङ्ग्रेजहरूले चीन अथवा तिब्बतसँग हात-हतियारहरूको निर्यात गर्ने गर्थे| ती हात -हतियारहरू इङ्गल्याण्डबाट जहाजमा चढाउँदा कुनै अर्कै रङ्गको कपडाले ढाकिएको, बॉंधिएको हुन्थ्यो| ती सामानहरूलाई कलकत्ताको बन्दगाहमा उतारेर फेरि रेल गाडीद्वारा गेल -खोलामा ओरालिन्थ्यो| अति लामो समयसम्म मात्राका कारणले ती इङ्गल्याण्डबाट निर्यात गरिएका सामानहरूलाई ढाकिएको कपडाको रङ्ग मैला अथवा धूलोका कारण कालो भएको हुँदो हो र त्यसैले शायद ती भारीहरूको नाम कालो भारी पर्न गएको हुनसक्छ| यी भारीहरू बोक्न सिक्किमका प्रायः सबै ठाउँका गरीब किसानहरू जाने गर्दथे जसलाई काजी- जमिनदार अथवा ठेकादारहरूको सो काम गर्ने आदेश हुन्थ्यो| धेरै जसो बुजुर्गहरूको भनाइमा कालो भारीभित्र हात हतियार मात्र हुँदैनथ्यो| कुनै- कुनै बेला उनीहरूले दैनिक जीवनमा चाहिने सामानहरू जस्तै - जुत्ता, ज्याकेट, कम्बल इत्यादि पनि बोकेका कुरा गर्छन्| कुनै-कुनै बेला जब यी भारीको सङ्ख्या धेरै हुन्थ्यो त्यसबेला प्रायः तीन चारवटा गाउँका किसानहरू ती भारीहरू बोक्न जान्थे| पूर्व पश्‍चिम र दक्षिण सिक्किमका किसानहरूलाई यो प्रथाले धेरै सताएको पाइन्छ कारण यी जिल्लाहरू बृटिश भारतको सीमाना नजिक थिए| जुन किसानको जमीन्दारसँग राम्रो सम्बन्ध रहेको हुन्थ्यो ती किसानहरू धेरजसो कालो भारी बोक्नबाट जोगिने गर्थे| तर सर्वसाधारण किसानहरूको कथा र व्यथा यस्तै नै थियो| यदि कुनै सिक्किमे किसानले यसको प्रतिवाद गर्‍यो भने उसको जमीन, घर, गाई-वस्तु सबै खोसिदिन्थे| पश्‍चिम सिक्किमका रैतीहरू कालो भारी बोक्न दार्जीलिङसम्म गएको प्रमाण पाइन्छ| दक्षिण सिक्किमकाहरू कहिले टिस्टा अनि कहिले गेल खोलासम्म जाने गरेको पाइन्छ| त्यसै गरी पूर्व सिक्किमका भरियाहरू रम्फूसम्म अनि कुनै बेला गेल खोलासम्मै गएको प्रमाण पाइन्छ| माथि बताइएअनुसार अङ्ग्रेज अधिकारीहरूले कालो भारीको ओसार- पोसारका निम्ति काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई ठिका दिएका हुन्थे| प्रत्येक दिन अनि प्रत्येक भारीको निम्ति रु. २ अनुमोदन हुन्थ्यो| तर यी काजी ठेकादारहरूले रु. २ (एक) अनि १० आना आफूसितै राख्ने र दिनको ६ आना मात्र एक भारियालाई दिने गर्थे| स्मरण रहोस्, कालो भारी कुनै एउटा जाति विशेषलाई मात्र बोकाइएन| यस कुप्रथाले सम्पूर्ण सिक्किमेलाई पिरोलेको थियो|

यस कुप्रथाद्वारा जनतालाई प्रभावित पार्ने कार्यको पराकाष्ठ हामी दोस्रो विश्‍वयुद्धमा पाउँछौं| त्यसबेला हात हतियारको निर्यात चीन र तिब्बतसित गर्ने काम चरम सीमामा पुगेको थियो| यस कार्यका लागि जति माग्यो त्यति रुपियॉं अङ्ग्रेज सरकारले काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई दिएको ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणहरू भेटिन्छ| जसको फलस्वरूप ती निर्मम काजी ठेकादारहरूले उनीहरूका रैतीहरूलाई शोषण गर्नसम्म गरे र ती गरीबहरूको नाउँमा आएको पैसामा मौज गरे| यहॉंका सोझा अशिक्षित गाउँलेहरू हरेक दिन ठगिए, प्रत्येक दिन चुसिए तर उनीहरूको पीडामा ओखतीसम्म लाइदिन कुनै संस्था अघि आएन| जसको प्रतिफल यहॉंका किसानहरूको जीवनस्तर रात दुइ गुणा दिन चौगुणा घटेर गयो|

४. झार्लाङ्गीः

सिक्किमे समाजमा व्याप्त यस कुसंस्कारको जन्म पनि सिक्किम बृटिश सम्बन्ध स्थापित भएपछि भएको हो| सर्वविदितै छ, बेलायतको सिक्किमे राजनीतिसित केही लेन-देन थिएन तर उनीहरूको प्रभूत्व देखाउन कुनै कुनै बेला यहॉंको आन्तरिक व्यवस्थामा हस्तक्षेप हुने गर्दथ्यो| सरल भाषामा बयान गर्नुपर्दा सिक्किमको राजनैतिक व्यवस्था भारतीय अङ्ग्रेज सरकारले उनीहरूको सुविधा बमोजिम चल्ने किसिमको पारेका थिए| उनीहरूको मुख्य उद्देश्य तिब्बत अनि चीनसँगको व्यापार थियो र सिक्किम राज्यलाई उनीहरूले त्यही कार्यको निम्ति प्रयोग गरिरहेका थिए| सिक्किमलाई तिब्बतसँग जोडने मार्गको उत्खनन कार्य यिनै अङ्ग्रेजहरूले गरेका थिए| उक्त उत्खनन कार्यको निम्ति उनीहरूलाई श्रमिकहरूको आवश्यकता पर्थ्यो, यसलाई सहज ढङ्गले कार्यान्वयन गर्न अङ्ग्रेजहरूले काजी- ठेकादारहरूलाई निर्देशन दिएको हुन्थ्यो| ती अङ्ग्रेज अधिकारीहरूले यहॉंका काजी ठेकादारहरूलाई ती श्रमिकहरूको हाजिरा दिने गर्थे तर अभाग्यवश ती सोझा रैतीहरूलाई त्यो रकम काजी ठेकादारले दिँदैन थिए| बिना खान-पीन अनि बिना हाजिरा गरिने कार्यलाई पुरानो सिक्किमे समाजले झार्लाङ्गीको संज्ञा दिएका हुन्| यस प्रथाका भागीदारहरू धेरै लामो समयसम्म घरदेखि टाढा रहने गर्दथे| यस अन्तरालका निम्ति यहॉंका रैतीहरूले आफ्नो खाना-पानी, ओडने-ओछ्याउने इत्यादि वस्तुहरूको व्यवस्था आफै गर्नुपर्थ्यो| कुनै लोभी अनि निर्मम जमीनदारहरूले कुनै कुनै बेला चाहिएभन्दा बढी मान्छेहरू बोलाउँथे र उनीहरूको मेहनतको कुनै पनि हुस्सा ती श्रमिकलाई नदिई अङ्ग्रेजहरूबाट दोब्बर पैसा असुल्थे| यस प्रथाको दुःखद पक्ष के छ भने बिना पैसा सिक्किमे किसानहरू काजी जमीनदारका छोरा- छोरीका सामानहरू बोकेर कहिले दार्जीलिङ त कहिले कालेबुङ जानु पर्थ्यो| सिक्किममा त्यसबेला राम्रा पाठशालाहरू नभएका कारण काजी जमिनदारहरू आफ्ना नानीहरूलाई त्यता पढ्न पठाउँथे| तर काजी ठेकादारका छोरा- छोरीको शिक्षाको बोझ ती अशिक्षित अनि शिक्षाप्रति अनभिज्ञ किसानहरूले उठाउनु पर्थ्यो| यति मात्र होइन आफ्नो खेत-बारी बॉंझै राखेर असारमा सबैभन्दा पहिला काजी जमीनदारको जमीन खन-जोत गरी बिना पैसा खेती लगाइदिनु पर्थ्यो| कस्तो विडम्बना हो यो? त्यो किसानले आफै आफ्नो काम गर्नु पर्थ्यो, आफ्नो परिवारका लागि वर्ष दिनसम्म पुग्ने अन्न उब्जाउनु पर्थ्यो अनि कुनै पैसा बिना काजी जमीनदारको जमीनमा उन्नति गरिदिनु पर्थ्यो साथै हरेक वर्ष सरकारलाई खजना बुझाउनु पर्थ्यो| यी सबै काम गर्न कुनै तोकिएको समय भए जस्तो थाहा लाग्दैन| जति बेला काजी जमीनदारले बोलाए त्यति नै बेला ती बस्तीवालाहरू पुग्नुपर्थ्यो| केही कारणवश ढिलो भए अथवा समयमा नपुगे सारा सम्पत्ति खोसिने डर थियो| यदि कुनै किसानले काजीको आदेशलाई बेवास्ता गरे ठिँगुरोमा ठिङ्ग्र्याइन्थ्यो| काजी प्रथा र त्यसको सिक्किमे जनता माथिको प्रताडनाको विषयमा कुनै अरु बेला चर्चा गरौंला|

५. ठेकी-बेठीः

सिक्किमे छोग्यालकालीन समाजमा काजी ठेकादारहरूदेखि तल्लो खुड्किलोमा उभिने अधिकारीहरूलाई मण्डल र कारबारीको संज्ञा दिइएको थियो| केही सरकारी दस्तावेजहरूको अध्ययनबाट जानकारी पाइएअनुसार यी मण्डल र कारबारीको नियुक्ति काजी-जमीनदारबाट हुन्थ्यो| वास्तवमा यी अधिकारीहरू काजी जमीनदारहरूका विश्‍वासपात्रहरू हुँदथे| उनीहरूको भूमिका काजी- जमीनदारहरू र किसानहरूबीच मध्यस्थता कायम गर्ने अधिकारीहरूका रूपमा लिन सकिन्छ| काजी ठेकादारहरूसँगको पहुँचका कारण यिनीहरूले पनि साधारण सिक्किमेको भोक र निद्रा हरेको थाहा लाग्छ| कुनै चाड- पर्व अथवा सरकारी उत्सवका अवसरमा यी मण्डल कारबारीहरूले गाउँलेहरूलाई केही कोसेलीहरू ल्याउने आदेश दिन्थे| ती कोसेलीहरू ठेकीभित्र हालेर मण्डलकहॉं पुर्‍याइने चलन थियो|

त्यो ठेकीभित्र गाउँलेहरू मासु, दही, केरा, चिउरा, मकै, सातु, छ्याङ्ग आदि वस्तु हालेर मण्डलकहॉं पुर्‍याउँथे| यसबाहेक महाराजको जन्मदिन राजकुमारहरूको जन्मदिन हुँदा पनि यी कारबारी मण्डलहरू ठेकी बेठीको आदेश दिन्थे ती गरीब गाउँलेहरूले आफ्नो गॉंस काटेर महाराजालाई पठाएको भेटी कति महाराजको दरवारमा पुगे होलान् भन्ने विषयमा धेर गम्भीरताले नसोचे पनि हुन्छ| त्यसदेखि बाहेक बिना हाजीरमा गाउँलेहरूले काजी, जमीनदार, ठेकादार, मण्डल, कारबारी जस्ता अधिकारीहरूको जमीन खन-जोत गर्नुपर्थ्यो| यस प्रकारको श्रमलाई बेठी भनिन्थ्यो| यदि कसैले नगर्ने साहस गरे त्यसको दुर्गति गरिन्थ्यो| यस्तो सामाजिक संस्कारमा आजका सिक्किमका पूर्वजहरूले के कति कष्ट झेले होलान्? त्यो एक गम्भीरताको साथ सोच्ने विषय हो| आजको सिक्किमलाई हेदा कहीं कतै लाग्दैन, हाम्रा बाउ-बाजेहरूले यी सबै दुःख देखे अनि सहे होला भन्ने| हामी अहिलेको यो मेट्रियालिस्टिक संसारमा यस ढङ्गले हराइसक्यो कि यहॉंको वास्तविक अतीत हामीलाई दन्त्य कथाझैं लाग्छ|

६. कुरुवाः

नेपाली भाषामा कुर्नुको अर्थ एउटा लामो पर्खाइ हो| जसले धेरै समयसम्म पर्खनुपर्छ त्यसलाई कुर्नु भनिन्छ| कुरुवा शब्दको सठिक अर्थ हुन्छ रूङ्गनु, ढुक्नु या त पर्खिनु| कुरुवा मजदूरको सेवा र झार्लाङ्गी मजदूरको सेवाको प्रकार प्रायः एउटै देखिन्छ| यी कुरुवाहरू धेरै समयसम्म आफ्नो भागको सामानलाई पर्खेर बस्ने गर्थे| कुरुवा मजदूर भएर सेवा गर्न जाने गाउँलेहरूले आफू खाने र सुत्ने व्यवस्था आफै गर्नुपर्थ्यो भन्ने कुरा यस प्रथाका भुक्त भोगीहरू जानकारी दिन्छन्| पश्‍चिम सिक्किमका केही गाउँहरूबाट कुरुवासँग सम्बन्धित महत्वपूर्ण जानकारी प्राप्त गरिएको छ| त्यहॉंका बुजुर्गहरूको भनाइअनुसार काजी- जमीनदारहरूले गाउँलेहरू आफन्तको देहावसानमा जूठोमा रहेको बेलामा पनि यस कार्यका निम्ति विवश पारेको कुरा प्रष्टाउँछन्| उनीहरूको भनाइअनुसार एक कुरुवा मजदूरले बिना पैसा र बिना खाना झण्डै ४० के जीभन्दा बढी भारी गेल खोलादेखि गान्तोकसम्म लानु पर्थ्यो| कुरुवा मजदूरीका मुख्य केन्द्रहरू गेल खोला सत्ताइस माइल टिस्टा मल्ली, रम्फू आदि थिए| यी केन्द्रहरूबाट एउटा कुरुवाले झण्डै ५०-६० मायल भारी हिँडाएर लानु पर्थ्यो|

सिक्किमको यस्तो दयनीय स्थितिहरूबीच राजनैतिक सचेतताको जन्म नहुनु कुनै आश्‍चर्यजनक विषय होइन| यहॉंको तात्कालीन अर्थ व्यवस्था संसारको सबैभन्दा गरीब देशकोभन्दा राम्रो थियो भन्दा इतिहासलाई ढॉंटेको जस्तो हुन्छ| किसानहरू कुनै पनि राष्ट्रको अर्थव्यवस्थाका मेरूदण्ड हुन्| तर यस यथार्थदेखि सिक्किमका शासकवर्गहरू कोशौं टाढा रहेको देखिन्छ| उनीहरूले एउटा किसानलाई कहिले पनि मानवताको दृष्टिले हेरे जस्तो देखिँदैन| ती किसानहरू, जो हर घडी आफ्ना मालिकहरूको सेवामा बिना हाजिरा तल्लीन थिए उनीहरूलाई स्वतन्त्रताको शाब्दिक अर्थसम्म थाहा थिएन|

अशिक्षा र गरीबीका कारण उनीहरूलाई शायद सारा संसारमै यस्तै प्रचलन छ भन्ने लागेको हुँदो हो| यस्तो स्थिति जहॉं आफ्नो घर परिवारसम्मलाई सोध्नेसम्मको पनि फूर्सद छैन राजनैतिक चेतनाको सूत्रपात कहॉंबाट हुने? किनभने यो हतार चटारो एक व्यक्ति, एक घर, एक गाउँको मात्र थिएन, हरेक सिक्किमे हतारमा थियो आफ्नो घरबाट अनि खेती बाली जोगाउन| यस्तो वातावरणमा प्रत्येक सिक्किमेलाई कार्ल मार्क्स, एञ्जेलस, गान्धी र प्लेटोका दर्शन र सिद्धान्तहरूभन्दा एक गॉंस भात मूल्यवान थियो| शिक्षा केवल काजी- जमीनदारहरूबीच मात्र सीमित थियो| तर पश्‍चिमी आधुनिक शिक्षा आर्जन गरेर पनि यिनीहरूका सन्तानहरूले मानवताको पाठ साह्रै बुझे जस्तो देखिँदैन| बझुन् पनि कसरी? यिनीहरूले अभाव देखेनन्, कहिले दुःखलाई नजिकबाट चिनेनन् तर ती गरीबका भीडहरूबीच केही किसानहरूले एक छाक मात्र खाएर भएपनि आफ्ना सन्तानहरूलाई दार्जीलिङ, कालेबुङतिर लगेर पढाएको जानकारी पाइन्छ| धन्य थिए ती भोका, अर्धनग्न सिक्किमे किसानहरू जसले आफ्ना अवस्थाहरूलाई पैतालाले दबाएर आफ्ना सन्तानहरूलाई पढाए र अन्त्यमा गएर यिनै थोरै शिक्षित सिक्किमेहरूले आफ्ना शोषित किसान समाजमा राजनैतिक चेतनाको उद्घोष गराए|

निष्कर्षः

यसरी यी विविध प्रकारका शोषणबाट युगौंदेखि बहुसङ्ख्यक सिक्किमे जनगणहरू प्रताडित भएको पाइन्छ| राजतन्त्रात्मक राजनैतिक प्रणालीअन्तर्गत एकमुष्ठ सामन्ती काजी जमीनदारहरूको अन्याय- अत्यचार र चरण शोषणको प्रतिफल सिक्किमे बहुसङ्ख्यक प्रजाहरू थिचिन मिचिन विवश र बाध्य थिए| शोषणका ती विविध कुप्रथाबाट उन्मुक्त भइ न्यायसङ्गत समानतामूलक समाज स्थापना गर्न र सामन्ती शक्तिलाई चूर्ण विचूर्न र भष्मीभूत पार्न उनीहरू असक्षम थिए|

त्यसको पृष्ठभूमिमा अशिक्षा अज्ञानता र एक्यताको अभाव प्रमुख कारकतत्व थियो भने एकमुठ्ठी सचेतवर्ग पनि अल्पसङ्ख्यक हुनुको पीडाको विवशता भोग्न बाध्य थिए| तर कालान्तरमा शिक्षितवर्गको सचेतताको परिणतिस्वरूप अशिक्षितवर्गले पनि शनै-शनै सामन्तवादका ती हरेक पहलहरूलाई निर्मूलीकरण गर्ने तत्परतामा आफूलाई पनि समाहित गर्न थालेको पाइन्छ| त्यसैको प्रतिफल स्वरूप सिक्किमका विभिन्न ठाउँमा ती अत्याचारी काजी जमीनदारविरुद्ध विद्रोहको आवाज उठाउन थाले| सामान्ती व्यवस्थाबाट युगौंदेखि शोषित पीडित र सीमान्तकृत वर्गका रूपमा चिहिन्त ती विद्रोही हातहरू शोषकका तमाम पर्खालहरूलाई धुलीसात पार्न उद्धत थिए| समयान्तरमा तिनै विद्रोहका स्वरहरू राजनैतिक सचेतताको बाटोबाट हिँडेर सिक्किमको सामन्ती शोषणलाई निशाना नामेट पार्दै प्रजातान्त्रिक व्यवस्थाको प्रत्याभूति दिन सफल भयो|

Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa- First Democratic Chief Minister of Sikkim

Cheif Minister Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa being sworn
in  as the First Chief Minister of Democratic Sikkim by Governor
B.B Lal on 16th May 1975.

The political upheavals of 1940s precipitated into protest movement of 1973 that finally led to the merger of Sikkim into India in 1975. As the political era from 1919 up to 1947 is referred as Gandhian era in the Modern Indian History, the period of 30 years i.e from 1945 up to 1975 can be regarded as Kazian era in the Democratic History of Sikkim. It is because from 1945, late L.D. Kazi single handedly guided the democratic movement of Sikkim till its merger.

Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa was born at Pakyong, East Sikkim in the ancient and noble Khangsarpa family in 1904. As a pious Buddhist he entered the Rumtek monastery at the age of 6 years. His uncle Tshurfuk Lama Rabden Dorjee was the then Head Lama of the famous Rumtek Monastry and young Lhendup became his disciple. During his visit, Sidkeyong Namgyal the then Maharaja of Sikkim took a great liking to the young monk Lhendup and took him to Gangtok, where he placed him in a Tibetan School. At the age of 16 Kazi Lhendup returned to Rumtek monastery and underwent strict training of Lamaism for two years. Thereafter, on accomplishment of his training he succeeded as the Head Lama of Rumtek Monastery and its estates on the retirement of Lama Ugen Tenzing. Kazi Lhendup remained as Head Lama at Rumtek monastery for 8 years, and then left the monastery to work with his brother Kazi Phag Tshering, who founded the Young Mens’ Buddhist Association at Darjeeling. The two Kazi brothers founded a large number of schools in West Sikkim and were instrumental in bringing about a number of social and other reforms.

The 40’s of the last century witnessed a heralding change world wide. A person with the feeling of service to mankind, Kazi Lhendup founded a Political Organization known as Rajya Praja Mandal at his native place at Chakhung in West Sikkim. In 1947 the amalgamation of the three petty political organizations of Sikkim Rajya Praja Mandal, Rajya Praja Sammelan and Praja Sudhar Samaj took place. On 7^th December 1947 they held a joint meeting at today’s Palzor Stadium (then Polo Ground) and decided to form a compact body to combat lawless feudalism. The huge gathering of 7^th December 1947 led to the birth of first ever political Party of Sikkim known as Sikkim State Congress. Tashi Tshering also popularly known as Tashi Babu of Gangtok was the elected President of Sikkim State Congress.

In 1953, Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa (people of his native place fondly called him Kancha Kazi) became the President of Sikkim State Congress and held that post till 1958. During his President ship he led a delegation to Delhi in 1954 to call on the Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. The Sikkimese had been fighting for political and economic reforms and these were discussed by the delegation with Pandit Nehru, who was deeply impressed by the sincerity of Kazi Lhendup Dorjee. The Indian Prime Minister promised to give assistance for the progress and economic welfare of the Sikkimese populace and assured Government of India’s support towards political reform in Sikkim.

After the foundation of the Sikkim State Congress (which was a pro-peasant party) the pro feudalists founded another political party in 1948 to curb the rising tide of democratic ideas. The new political party was known as Sikkim National Party and it was basically patronized by the palace. The Sikkim State Congress had branded this party as the “party of palace”. Kazi Lhendup Dorjee realizing the futility of the communal approach in the political scenario of Sikkim, and having dear to his heart the welfare of the people, decided to form another party, called the Sikkim National Congress in 1960. His main approach was to form a non-communal party which could give the Sikkimese peace, prosperity and progress. Contesting on this platform his party secured 8 seats out of 18 in the third General Elections of Sikkim in 1963. Kazi Lhendup Dorjee formed the opposition in the Sikkim Council and tried to bring about a feeling of communal harmony.

In the General Election of 1970, Kazi Lhendup Dorjee was appointed as an Executive Councillor and was allotted the portfolio of Agriculture and Animal Husbandry and Transport Authority. He, after being realized that Sikkim was an agricultural country, tried to bring about certain reforms to reorganize the economic conditions of the farmers. He was however, removed from the Executive Councillor in 1972. It is to be noted here that the Late Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa had his second wife from Belgium. Her name was Kazini Eliza Maria (also known as Kazini Sahiba of Chakhung) who also had played a vital role in guiding and assisting Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa in his day to day affairs. She was an influential woman who used to do most of the paper works of the party of Kazi from their cozy bungalow at Kalimpong. The General Election of 1973, the last general election based on the notorious parity formulae, did not satisfy the Sikkim National Congress. This led to an agitation in April 1973which ultimately led to the merger of two influential political parties of Sikkim the Janata Congress and Sikkim National Congress giving birth to Sikkim Congress.

In the elections of 1974, Sikkim Congress secured 31 out of 32 seats in the Sikkim Assembly and formed its government based in principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. He became the first Chief Minister elected according to the credence of Democracy. The Sikkim Congress delegates used to attend the annual session of the Indian National Congress. After the merger of Sikkim in 1975 the political party of Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa was also merged with the Indian National Congress at Kamagatamaru Nagar in Chandigarh.

Kazi Lhendup Dorjee with the Chogyal of Sikkim
to sign the Government of Sikkim Act 1974

Personally Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa and Kazini Eliza Maria lost everything -- perhaps not really everything -- because the people of Sikkim still remember him with fondness. The father of democracy in Sikkim was even not allowed to enter Sikkim as he lost the election in 1979 due to some political reasons. The memorable Kazi expired on July 29, 2007. He did not live for personal gains; he lived for the people of Sikkim. “By merging Sikkim with India Kazi Lendhup Dorji Khansarpa of Chakung brought new prosperity to the people of Sikkim, restored their rights and gave India a jewel in the crown studded with the silvery Kanchenjunga”. (M. K Dhar, If not for Him Sikkim would not be a part of India)

An elapsed Face of History- Chandra Bahadur Rai

Mr. Chandra Bahadur Rai 

 The History of Sikkim has been studied by different scholars with various aspects including the various ethnic groups. The researchers and scholars have even profoundly studied about the history of the three major ethnic groups i.e. the Lepchas, the Bhutias and the Nepalese in Sikkim. But, we find the history of Sikkim is generally pre-occupied with political history and then its immediate aspects of dynastic history and Sikkim’s relation with British India. As most of the historians gave top priority to the political history of Sikkim during British-India, the democratic history of Sikkim after the Indian independence is generally neglected and pushed behind. It is a well known fact that political history has always superseded the other aspects of study of history which greatly disregards the contribution of the common people. The democratic movement of Sikkim was also a political development which has always been studied from the elite’s perspectives discounting the contribution made by the commoners to attain democracy. This is a story of a commoner of the erstwhile Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim who has thrown himself in the blizzard of democratic movement that had rocked the tiny Himalayan kingdom of Sikkim after the Indian independence.

Mr. Chandra Bahadur Rai was born in 1936 at Dacca in present day Bangladesh. His father Haikumsingh Rai was a Subedar in British Indian Army. After his father’s retirement, young Chandra Bahadur and his family had come to Pakki Gaon, Malbassey in 1943. He studied at Chakhung School up to Class VI. Since childhood, Chandra Bahadur had many questions in his mind against the pain given to the peasants by the notorious feudal system. His curiosity about such injustices led him to join Rajya Praja Sammelan (a political organization founded at Chakhung) initiated by Kazi Lhendup Dorjee Khangsarpa popularly known as Kancha Kazi.  In a brief interview he has informed us about the popular demands of the Sikkim State Congress regarding the abolition of Forced labours like Kalobhari, Jharlangi, Theki Bethi, Kuruwa etc. Mr. C. B Rai further discussed about the popular Slogans of the Sikkim State Congress after the Indian independence. Among such slogans a slogan for reformation of tenancy has its own importance in the political development of Sikkim. The Slogan was as under:-

Zamin Kasko Jotneyko….. Ghar Kasko Potneyko!!!

i.e. Land belongs to those who plough it……House belongs to those who take care of it!!

This slogan provides ample evidence about the condition of peasants in Sikkim who were debarred from possessing landed property against which they were clamoring for reformation. It is to be mentioned here that with the initiatives taken by the Sikkim State Congress the feudal system of Sikkim was remove.   

Another interesting slogan of the period was

Bhare Bhure Raja Masnai Parcha…..Sikkim Lai Bharat ma Gabhnai Parcha!!!

 Petty King should be abolished……Sikkim should be merged with India!!

This slogan highlights the initial demands of the Sikkim State Congress to abolish monarchy in Sikkim and to merge Sikkim into the Union of India. The demand of merger of Sikkim was put behind curtain after the reformation made by its reformist monarch Sir Tashi Namgyal.

In the General Election of January 1973 (the last General Election based on the lawless Parity Formula) Mr. Chandra Bahadur Rai was elected from Pemayangtshe Constituency, West Sikkim. After attending a massive victory in the election he served as a Councillor till 1974. In 1973 Election, due to the tarnished parity formula there was manipulation in the counting of votes. This led to the people’s protest movement which further led to the formation of a Joint Action Committee (JAC). The Committee wrote a petition to the Government of India highlighting the suppression and injustice prevalent in Sikkim. Mr. Rai was also among the signatories of the said petition.

After the election of 1974, Mr. Rai left active politics and since then he did not contest any election. While asking about the reason why did he quit politics he said-“It was the tears of the Chogyal and Gyalmo that made me to quit it forever”. Presently, at the age of 75 this ex-Councillor is living at Pakki Gaon in West Sikkim with reminiscences of independent Sikkim.

The Agitation of 1973 pic. courtesy Mr. C.B Rai 

The Kazis of Sikkim

The division of the kingdom into several Dzongs or districts was prevalent from the early years of the Namgyal dynasty. The country was divided into Dzongs for the administrative convenience of the ruler. The territory of the kingdom in the initial years of the Tibetan Rule was a large one. Therefore, for the administration of the Tibetan Dominion of Sikkim, the kingdom was divided into several districts and the Lepcha Dzongpens or the Governors were given the charge of their respective areas. But, the kingdom had lost its territories to the Nepal, Bhutan, to the East India Company and to Tibet. Therefore, by now the total area of Sikkim was not more than the area of present Sikkim. Even in such a small area, the Dzongpens or the Governors were still enjoying their privileges which they had inherited from their forefathers. As time rolled on, the same Lepcha Dzongpens became the Kazis. (The term Kazi might have been borrowed from neighbouring Indian Muslim state or from Nepal). Their matrimonial relations with the Tibetan nobility made them to hide their origin as the Tibetans considered the Lepchas as the low-born people. With the arrival of the British, these Kazis, because of their money and power which they imitated from the British, became more rigid and rude towards their own people. The Kazis before their contacts with the British were not cunning enough as they lived in a kingdom which was secluded and unknown to the outside world.

Regarding the privileges and positions of the Kazis and Thikadars, a pamphlet ‘A Few Facts About Sikkim’, published by Tashi Tshering in 1947, a pioneer of democratic movement in Sikkim comments thus:-

“The Kazis, who are the landlords, claim to belong to the old nobility and compare themselves with the barons of the feudal system. By long usage they have accustomed to oppress the people and to expect the utmost subservience from them. They form the exclusive and influential coterie around the ruling family and are able to impose their will on all and sundry. The rest of the land lords  called ‘Thikadars’, are content to play second fiddle to the Kazis and thus share in the loaves and fishes of office and other privileges. Bound by a common policy to oppress the ryots, the ‘Thikadars’ especially the more influential among them, have proved as bad as any of the  Kazis. Landlordism as obtaining in Sikkim has proved the curse of the ryots. It has enabled the landlords through coercion and intimidation, to acquire for themselves the best holdings of the ryots. The landlords pay no taxes, which consequently fall with greater severity upon the ryots. On the other hand, the landlords receive large unearned commission from the state as reward for carrying on a thoroughly corrupt system of government”.

Regarding the power and functions enjoyed by the Kazis, the pamphlet further states as under:-

“The landlords are vested with magisterial powers in both civil and criminal matters. They are also empowered to register documents for the sale or transferred of landed properties. There are no effective checks on these powers and the landlords are free to abuse them for their own gains. The more fine a landlord can impose, the larger his share of spoils, for he receives one half of the collection as his fees and the other halves goes to the state. When as has happened many times, a landlord ‘forgets’ to enter a fine in his books, nobody is wiser, and he appropriates the whole amount to himself. A grabbing landlord has no difficulties in disposing an uncompromising ryot of his cherished possession, be it a paddy field or a herd of cattle. The slightest delay in the payment of taxes, a matter of common occurrence, enables a landlord to seize the very property of he has set his eyes upon, to the exclusion of any other, and thus transfer is affected speedily and very profitably to the land lord. Numerous ryots have thus been reduced to penury and practical slavery. Landlords are invested with different classes of legal powers with due regard to their merits and qualifications. But, most of the landlords live away from their estates and their powers are exercised by ignorant and rapacious underlings who have no scruples about filling their own pockets besides extracting as much as they can for their masters” 

(About the Picture:- This is a studio picture of an unknown Kazi of Sikkim probably taken in the 80's of the 19th century. Picture Source http://oldindianphotos.blogspot.com)

Letter of Mrs. Indira Gandhi to Mr. K. B Adhikari of Rhenock...

I am greatly thankful to Mr. Deepak Bhandari Sharma of Rhenock, East Sikkim for sharing this valueable piece of information with me. The letter pasted here has been sent to Mr. K. B Adhikari of Rhenock by the Late Prime Minister of India Mrs. Indira Gandhi. It is to be noted here that, with the accession of Sikkim into India there was still  resentment among the Sikkimese people against the Indian Government for having been cheated by the authorities during the referendum process. Therefore, they were opposing Indian overlord ship upon them and were against the visits of the Indian leaders to Sikkim.
The letter dated 19th September' 1978, reflects how the Indian Tri-Colour was insulted unknowingly, as it was put up-side down, by few "miscreants"  during the visit of Mrs. Indira  Gandhi. In the letter Mrs. Gandhi has defined the act as a "deliberate". It was Mr. K. B. Adhikari a Mandal of Rhenock and an important figure of the democratic movement of Sikkim, who informed the authorities to keep the flag in the order. With the steps taken by Mr. Adhikari, a  national insult was averted in Sikkim.

Member Party- The First Political Party of Sikkim

In the history of every country, the voice of revolt is heard when the level of suppression goes to its height. In Sikkim also, the level of suppression had reached its highest point due to the repressive policies of the Kazis, Thekadars, Mandals etc. People became restless when their existence was unduly fortified because of the undemocratic treatment of the commoners by the state mechanism. So, the voice of downtrodden mass began to be heard. The masses rose against the suppression of the Kazis without caring about their lives and property. The youths of Namthang, South Sikkim propelled  an underground movement against feudalism. They founded the first ever political party of Sikkim known as the Member Party in 1940. The party was founded under the leadership of Dahal brothers of Namthang namely Khadananda Dahal and Dharanidhar Dahal. The other important members of the party were Maha Singh Limbu, the Sapkota brothers namely Jai Narayan Sapkota and Trilochan Sapkota, Jerman Lepcha (Father of ex Deputy Speaker of Sikkim Assembly Mr. Ram Lepcha). They had a good relation with the leaders of Gorkha League of Kalimpong like Damber Singh Gurung, Randhir Subba and others. The main objective of the Member Party was to unleash Sikkim from the exploitation of Kazi contractors and the evil socio-economic practices of the then feudal political system. The leaders of the party were determined to end the feudal practices in Sikkim by any means and they even made a mindset to adopt  violent measures also if needed. It was on a Thursday in Chaitra month according to the Nepali calander ,  i.e. April 1945 (date unknown), the three leaders of the Member Party delivered their speech at Namthang Haat . This was probably the first political speech given by the first Sikkimese political leaders. They made a clarion call to the mass to rise and march ahead in the search of justice and freedom. The summary of the speech is as under:-

“Now the time has changed. We are no more to tolerate the atrocities of the Kazi-Zamindars. We all must arise and should join our hands to throw out the Kazis. This time none of the ryots will carry the loads of paddy of Baburam Kasaju (the Zamindar) with out any wage. This is a warning to all the peasants of Namthang. If anyone dares to do that; their houses will be burnt down. Apart from this, we are no more carrying the Kalo Bhari, Jharlangi…………. If they want our lives, we are ready to sacrifice these for the sake of you all. But, we will never abide by  their orders……..
                                    "Down with Kazi Zamindars, Long Live People’s Power!!”

The three leaders who had addressed the Namthang Haat were Khadananda Dahal, his brother Dharnidhar Dahal and Jerman Lepcha. When they were speaking on the megaphone, the listeners got shivered with overwhelming sentiments . The Zamindar Baburam Kasaju sent his police to arrest the leaders. Somehow, they managed to escape and  got underground. The incident geared up the motifs of the leaders and became more active . The members of the Member Party looted the paddy and other crops of the Zamindar and distributed the same to the poor farmers. Thus, the villagers arose from their slumber and began blowing the shell of a change, a massive change . Nightly meetings were held to find out the ways and means to do away with the suppression heralding a new era in the political history of the Kingdom.

The course of speeches at Namthang Bazaar continued and gained momentum. As a Councilor, Baburam Kasaju had to go to Gangtok and during his absence, the young leaders of the Member Party organized meetings every Thursday at the Haat. Earlier, the peasants were scared to attend the speeches but, later they started to attend them fearlessly. The speeches of the leaders were not only against the Zamindar Baburam but, they were firm in their motives to dismantle the whole system from the soil of Sikkim. When the activities of the Member Party reached to its highest , one of its active members Maha Singh Limbu was arrested and was tortured in the most inhuman manner and was banished from Sikkim.

The members of the Member Party actively participated in the movement for the abolition of Kazi- Zamindari system on 1st May 1949. The movement remained successful in eliminating the cruel and notorious Zamindari system from Sikkim. Due to their political differences, the Member Party greatly opposed ‘Popular Ministry’ founded by the State Congress. They had a clash with the State Congress on 13th May, 1949.  Dharnidhar Dahal and many other supporters of the Member Party were injured. As every development were going against their principles, the founder leader of the Member Party, Khadananda Dahal sold all his landed property and got settled in Jhapa district of Nepal in 1957.

Thus, the political consciousness of the people of Sikkim developed in the remote pockets of the kingdom which was mostly focussed on the unjust, unhealthy and undemocratic policies of the Zamindars. It is to be noted here that, the early revolutionaries of the Member Party did not criticize the Maharaja, nor they criticized his policies. They clamoured against feudalism and were firm in their principles in securing democracy. With the foundation of Member Party in the early 40’s of the 20th century, we can say that, in spite of theocratic and feudal political structure, certain aspects of secular and liberal democracy were in the rising stage in the horizon of Sikkimese politics.